Chapters in Books (UNP)

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Of storying and storing: ‘Reading’ Lichtenecker’s voice recordings
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Hoffman, A.
With the invention of the phonograph – or sound/voice writer – by Thomas Alva Edison in 1877, the human voice could become an object. What so far had been the elusive, ephemeral effect of sound waves could be captured and stored on Edison wax cylinders. As an object the voice could at once be separated from its source and social setting, become transportable, but also indexical to its absent referent. The phonograph, writes Erika Brady, ‘was distinctively the product of 19th century scientific and social preoccupations’ (1999, p. 11) of which the collecting of (exotic) objects was certainly one. The voice, conserved on wax cylinders, could become part of ‘accumulative, itemcentered, indexic’ collections that were treasured by museums, academic institutions, as well as medical collections (1999, p. 14). The new technology of voice-recording was almost immediately introduced to the study of folklore and to anthropology. Shortly after the recording of voice had become possible, its storage was institutionalised. In Berlin the Phonogramm-Archiv was founded in 1900. Erich von Hornbostel, the Director of the Archive between 1905 and 1933, saw the aim of the archive as creating a collection of musical phonograms of all peoples of the world. The recordings were thought to provide comparative material of modes of expression – both in language and in music – that were deemed key to the cultural character of peoples.1 Today the Phonogramm-Archiv in Berlin is one of several archives in Europe that host immense historical sound and voice collections from many formerly colonised countries.2 To ensure the accumulation of such a comprehensive collection, it was the strategy of the archive to equip German researchers and travellers with a phonograph and wax cylinders. The German artist Hans Lichtenecker was one of them.
Oshikundu: An indigenous fermented beverage
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Embashu, Werner; Cheikhyoussef, Ahmad; Kahaka, Gladys K.
Oshikundu is a common beverage in Oshana, Omusati, Ohangwena, Oshikoto and Kavango West and East regions of Namibia. As in many parts of Africa, cereal foods and beverages form part of the daily diet in these regions. Cereal beverages, such as oshikundu, undergo fermentation, which is a natural process that has been used for many years as an economical form of food preservation. Fermentation kills harmful microorganisms and prolongs the shelf life of basic foodstuffs; it also enhances the nutritional value and organoleptic quality of them, as it does to their quality and stability. Oshikundu fermentation is dominated by lactic acid bacteria (LAB). The use of LAB offers many advantages, such as increasing food palatability and improving the quality of foods and beverages. Using starter cultures has led to the large-scale production of fermented cereal beverages in many parts of the world. However, the inconsistency of the organoleptic properties of oshikundu remains a challenge in household processing technology. Consumer choice is greatly influenced by the sensory attributes of oshikundu, such as its aroma and taste. Furthermore, the brewing technology depends on backslopping of an unknown starter culture, preventing the successful production of it on a large scale.
Revolutionary songs as a response to colonialism in Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Mbenzi, Petrus A.
Traditional songs in Africa were often used as a weapon against indiscipline in a society (Finnegan, 1970). Transgressors were ridiculed and shamed through singing when boys and girls met for social dancing in an open space (which usually took place in the evening) and vulgar language was hurled against the offender. Misdemeanours and the shameful acts of certain people were also criticized through action songs. On these occasions, the names of ‘alleged’ offenders were mentioned as well as the offences they had committed. These songs were also performed when people did teamwork for threshing, weeding and so forth. During the struggle for independence, the same strategy was applied. Ruth Finnegan (1970, p. 273) argues that it would be a mistake to assume too easily that there is necessarily a complete break in continuity between traditional political poetry and that of modern politics. Songs were used to sensitise the oppressed to their plight and to expose the iniquities of the old regime. The proponents and protagonists of the apartheid system were criticised and Namibians were encouraged to resist oppressive laws. To boost their morale and demonstrate their indefatigable quest for emancipation from the yoke of colonialism, the People’s Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN) fighters composed various revolutionary songs. With the attainment of independence, the popularity of these songs has dwindled. They are sung on rare occasions and it is feared that some songs may vanish with time if they are not properly recorded and documented to ensure their survival. As a result the historical events inherent in these songs may drift into obscurity. This chapter investigates the functions of revolutionary songs in the Namibian independence struggle and identifies their most important themes. The main aims of the chapter are to highlight the historical value of the songs and gauge their significance during the colonial era.
Developmental issues facing the San people of Namibia: Road to de-marginalization in formal education
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Brown, Anthony; Haihambo, Cynthy K.
INTRODUCTION: As for other indigenous people in the world, the living standards of the San in Namibia have drawn attention as they have been viewed as contravening basic human rights. Since its independence from apartheid South Africa, the Namibian Government, as a member of the United Nations (UN), has embarked upon various projects and interventions in order to secure the rights of their indigenous communities, including those of the San. One of the most progressive conventions of the UN, the Salamanca Statement of 1994 on inclusive education (UNESCO, 1994), promulgates that schooling should cater for all children regardless of their differences or difficulties and serves as a driver towards such efforts. It is worth noting that this global educational transformation came at a time when Namibia was in its fourth year of independence from apartheid South Africa, and was attempting to deconstruct and redress the fragmented education system that it had inherited. It was an education that separated learners depending on their race, gender, ethnicity and language, and if they had a disability (MEC, 1993). It is through this historical backdrop that the San face current challenges as agents in an inclusive space. The educational experiences of indigenous San children in Namibia reflect discrimination, isolation and a compromised quality of education, and their identity and their indigenous knowledge is not fully embraced in the broader education system. As a result many of them fall through the safety net of this all-embracing educational philosophy. It is for this reason that San children have become a heightened concern and responsibility for the education authority in Namibia.
Bioprospecting for ‘green diamonds’: Medicinal plants used in the management of HIV/AIDS-related conditions
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Chinsembu, Kazhila C.
I believe that while scientific research is necessary to improve the way in which our natural resources are exploited … our people must not be completely disowned … of resources that they have possessed for generations. It will be a sad day when the medicinal formulas of devil’s claw are patented by big pharmaceutical companies and thereby become depleted and unavailable to the natural owners of the resource. (His Excellency Dr Sam Nujoma, Founding President of Namibia at a symposium on devil’s claw, as reported by Wickham, 2001.)
Waking the dead: Civilian casualties in the Namibian liberation struggle
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Silvester, Jeremy; Akawa, Martha
One day in early January 1984, an old Ford truck set out from Ruacana. Twenty-five workers stood crowded in the back. After travelling just five kilometres from the small town the truck drove over a double landmine. The explosion left a huge crater in the ground and immediately killed ten of the people in the truck, whilst another six were severely injured, losing hands, arms and legs. None of the names of those who had died were provided in the press coverage of the incident. On 23 January 1988, four young people were driving a Toyota Hilux van near their home when a unit of the Koevoet paramilitary police unit opened fire on their vehicle riddling it with bullets and totally destroying it. Cornelius Nghipukuula, aged 27, was killed immediately and two of the other occupants were wounded. The three survivors were told to report to the police station the next day to pay a R100 fine as an ‘admission of guilt’ for driving during a curfew. These were just two incidents amongst many that occurred during the Namibian war of independence in which the casualties were not soldiers, but civilians. Yet the absence of the names of those killed in one of the largest landmine explosions that took place during the war seems symptomatic of the way in which civilian victims of the war remain unrecognised in accounts of the liberation struggle.
Indigenous knowledge and antimicrobial properties of plants used in ethnoveterinary medicine
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Chinsembu, Kazhila C.
The use of chemical pesticides and pharmaceutical drugs to manage livestock pests and diseases is anathema to the environment and leads to the development of resistance. Most resource-poor farmers also face problems, such as inaccessibility, unaffordability and inappropriate use of chemical pesticides and drugs. Faced with these constraints, livestock farmers in Namibia and other African countries turn to indigenous knowledge as an alternative option and as a key to unlock the power of plants to control various vectors and diseases of livestock. Utilization of plant extracts as ethnoveterinary medicines (EVMs) is perhaps one of the most sustainable methods readily adaptable to rural livestock-farming communities. Plants identified as herbal remedies in the management of livestock diseases, especially those with antimicrobial and antiparasitic properties, present considerable potential for further scientific research which may lead to the discovery of new and safer drugs. Although many rural communal farmers use plants to treat livestock diseases, the current status of information on the use of plants in EVM Namibia, and the biological activities and toxicities of this flora, is still inadequate. For example, a complete systematic ethnobotanical list has not yet been compiled, creating an urgent need to record EVM knowledge in Namibia.
Harvesting and consumption of the giant African bullfrog, a delicacy in northern Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Okeyo, Daniel O.; Kandjengo, Lineekela; Kashea, Martha M.
Namibia covers an area of approximately 800,000 square kilometres and has a human population of about 2.1 million. This gives an average density of about 2.6 people per square kilometre. Most of the people of Namibia belong to one of five main ethnic groups of African origin: the Aawambo, Ovaherero, Kavango, Caprivian, and Damara and Nama peoples. The diet of ethnic Namibians comprises a variety of foods such as millet, sorghum, maize, sweet potatoes, groundnuts and fruits. Millet and maize are staple foods. Fruits are mainly wild and indigenous. Staple foods in northern Namibia are generally accompanied with indigenous vegetables, beef, lamb, mutton or fish. Giant African bullfrogs – locally known as efuma (sing.) or omafuma (pl.) – form a delicacy, especially during the rainy season (Figure 10.1). The Aawambo are not alone in appreciating these frogs (Pyxicephalus adspersus) as a delicacy. Reports exist of others also eating it within Namibia as well as elsewhere in southern Africa. For example, the Nsenga people in the eastern Luangwa Valley (Eastern Province, Zambia) also consume whole bullfrogs, which they locally call kanyama kaliye fupa – the animal without bones. The giant African bullfrog is distributed widely throughout southern and eastern Africa (Figure 10.2) and found in areas of Namibia, Angola, Botswana, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Mozambique, Malawi, Tanzania and Kenya (Channing, 1991; Conradie, Branch, Braack, & Manson, 2010; IUCN, 2011). It is reported to occur in the central and northern areas of Namibia (Channing 1991; Griffin, 1997) and is found in considerable numbers on the northern plains, especially during the early rain season.
Reclaiming indigenous knowledge in Namibia’s post-colonial curriculum: The case of the Mafwe people
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Lilemba, John M.; Matemba, Yonah H.
In Namibia, as is the case in the rest of Africa, different versions of an indigenous knowledge-based education, mainly through the formal setting of traditional initiation schools, was an integral part of community life (Amukugo, 1993; Ray, 1999). The initiation school, of which attendance was compulsory, was a system of formal education with parallels to Western forms of education. For example, initiation schools had a standardized curriculum, set times of instruction, specified age of children for instruction, assessment strategies, use of ‘qualified’ instructors (experienced village elders) and formal arrangements to recognize and celebrate those who successfully completed the education (Matemba, 2010). The curriculum offered included teaching the neophytes on ‘proper’ use of language, survival skills, customs, values, marriage, parenting, religion, respect for others, etc. (Mbiti, 1999; Amanze, 2002). As numerous studies have shown, the arrival of missionaries and colonial political powers in Africa from the mid-1800s onwards and their attitudes towards African cultural institutions impacted negatively on the viability of the African indigenous system of education, which was condemned as barbaric, heathen and an impediment to the consolidation of Christianity and Western culture on the continent (Abernethy, 1969; McCracken, 1977; Nduka, 1980; Ball, 1983; Comaroff & Comaroff, 1986)
Solidarity with liberation in Namibia: An analytical eyewitness account from a West German perspective
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kossler, Reinhart
When asked for an eyewitness account, one’s own personal experience takes centre stage. In addition to drawing on that experience, I have carried out scholarly studies on the solidarity movement, particularly in relation to Southern Africa.1 It is a different task to reflect on my own involvement. I had been active in the student movement, in the movement against the war in Vietnam, and similar work for some years, before Southern Africa became the focus of my attention. I remember being part of a campaign in Heidelberg in 1968, aimed at alerting people to the colonial wars in what were then the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau. That was my first stint of solidarity work with national liberation movements in Southern Africa. In 1979, after completing my PhD, I got my first job as Executive Secretary of the Informationsstelle Südliches Afrika (Information Service Southern Africa) in Bonn, popularly known as ISSA.2 That catapulted me into intense work in ‘counterinformation’, writing articles for a monthly magazine and publishing solidarity literature, all efforts devoted to making the West German public aware of the reality of apartheid and colonialism, to propagating the aims of the national liberation struggles and the overwhelming case for majority rule, and to helping activists in the local chapters of a whole range of organisations to strengthen their hand when they had to argue their case during public events, as well as in everyday life. The move turned out to be much more decisive than I had thought when I started the job.
Heritage education in the school curriculum: A critical reflection
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Likando, Gilbert N.
This chapter critically highlights the importance of heritage education in the school curriculum in Namibia. It does so in relation to John Patrick’s five pitfalls that heritage educators must avoid in the process of designing a heritage education school curriculum or infusing the right content into existing curriculum, namely: elitism, extreme pluralism, localism, romanticism and anti-intellectualism (Patrick, 1989). The chapter links this perspective by Patrick of heritage education infusion and integration in the school curriculum to the on-going reform process in education in Namibia. Debates have loomed on how the integration or infusion could be done. While some proponents propose the creation of an entirely new curriculum for heritage education in schools, others argue for the infusion of heritage education content into the current school curriculum by drawing on many disciplines such as history, geography, the natural and social sciences, the arts and literature as the best approach.
Liberals and non-racism in Namibia’s settler society? Advocate Israel Goldblatt’s engagement with Namibian nationalists in the 1960s
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Henrichsen, Dag
Namibia’s settler society has a very weak, indeed almost non-existent tradition of advocacy of non-racism. Up to the early 1970s, none of the settlers’ political parties postulated principles of non-racism – that is individually based citizenship and democratic rights as well as legal, economic and social opportunities irrespective of apartheid’s racial designations and ascriptions. This is in contrast, for example, to political parties in ‘white’ South Africa or Zimbabwe (See Hancock, 1980; Marks, 1995; Rich, 1984; Vigne, 1997).2 South African visitors to Windhoek in the early 1960s, whether Ruth First, the radical left-wing journalist and writer or the Vice-President of the South African Liberal Party, Randolph Vigne, were either appalled or expressed grave disillusionment with respect to the prospect of any European non-racial political activity in this South African colony. Ruth First stated in 1963: ‘It remains a frightening fact that not a single white political leader in South West Africa has ever advocated a non-racial democracy’ (1963, p. 54). Two years earlier, Randolph Vigne had summed up his talks in Windhoek with, amongst others, Advocate Israel Goldblatt and African nationalists like Clemens Kapuuo, Levy Nganjone or Zedekia Ngavirue by stating: ‘If Goldblatt is right, and it is an impossibility to build bridges at this stage [in early 1961], the best hope of bringing about a non-racial group inside SWA and avert[ing] a racial clash, is to afford travel and study to some of the young African leaders.
Colonialism and the development of the contract labour system in Kavango
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Likuwa, Kletus M.
The contract labour system in Namibia was a colonial invention and needs to be explored in the context of colonial historiography. Many scholars have written on the contract labour system in Namibia. However, while there is a general understanding of the system, the Kavango as a supplier of contract labour is neglected, as the historiography has largely focused on the supply of labour from the region that was labelled ‘Ovamboland’ (Clarence-Smith and Moorsom, 1977; Cronje and Cronje, 1979; Hishongwa, 1992; Kane Berman, 1972; McKittrick, 1998; Moorsom, 1989; Cooper, 2001). However, the area known today as the regions of Kavango East and Kavango West has a significant role in the history of migrant labour in Namibia and there is an opportunity to reassess the system using a different regional context. Although labour recruitment in the Kavango had been on-going prior to 1925, it was unorganised with limited numbers of recruits collected by colonial officials, and it was only after 1925 that the South African administration finally managed to formalise labour recruitment. The formalisation of the contract labour system in the Kavango occurred with the formation of the Northern Labour Organisation (NLO) and Southern Labour Organisation (SLO) in 1925. These were later amalgamated into the South West Africa Native Labour Association (SWANLA) which recruited labourers from the Kavango and Ovambo in the early 1940s until the collapse of the contract labour system in 1972. Using qualitative research methods to gather and analyse data, this paper employs oral interviews, archival and written sources to explain the encounters of the Kavango population with colonialism and asks why both German (1885-1915) and South African (1915-1989) colonial authorities needed labourers from Kavango, and what strategies the colonial administration used to extract labour.
Indigenous knowledge used in the management of human–wildlife conflict along the borders of the Etosha National Park
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Lendelvo, Selma M.; Angula, Margaret; Mfune, John K.
Humans and wildlife in Africa have coexisted for millennia, but conflicts between them have become common phenomena (Shemwetta & Kideghesho, 2000). Worldwide, borders between humans and wild spaces have become blurred, particularly those surrounding protected areas. As a result, wildlife frequently moves out of protected areas and enters nearby human settlements (Ogra, 2008). In addition, the frequency of human–wildlife conflicts (HWCs) in these areas has grown in recent decades, largely because of the increase in human population, the expansion of human activities and changes in wildlife management systems (Graham, Beckerman, & Thirgood, 2005). In this chapter, we describe how commercial and communal farmers who live along the borders of Etosha National Park (ENP) use their indigenous knowledge in dealing with HWC. We interviewed 48 farmers from cattle posts in the communal areas north of ENP and 51 commercial farmers on private land south of ENP through a semi-structured questionnaire. The majority of farmers indicated that they have techniques and strategies to protect their livestock, crops, families and property from being harmed by problem wildlife. Understanding the indigenous knowledge that farmers have to deal with HWC is important for improving wildlife management systems in Namibia.
To integrate or not: Exploring the prospects and challenges of integrating indigenous knowledge at the University of Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Chinsembu, Grace M.; Hamunyela, Miriam N.
Namibia has a population of about 2.1 million people of which 87.5% belong to one of nine main indigenous ethnic groups: Aawambo (50.0%), vaKavango (9.0%), Ovaherero (7.0%), Damara (7.0%), Nama (5.0%), Lozi (4.0%), San (3.0%), Baster (2.0%) and Tswana (0.5%) (UNDP, 2000). In Namibia, ethnic identity is stronger than national identity, with 75% of Namibians feeling much stronger ties to people of their own ethnic group than to fellow compatriots of other ethnic groups (Shaw- Taylor, 2008). Undoubtedly, a lot of indigenous knowledge is embedded within these strong ethnic and cultural precincts. Over the past two decades, many Namibian policy makers and knowledge workers have begun to realize the importance of indigenous knowledge in the country’s development process. In 2011, the Polytechnic of Namibia hosted a three-day conference on the technology of indigenous knowledge under the theme, ‘Embracing indigenous knowledge systems into a new technology design paradigm’. During this conference, Namibians were urged to nurture the knowledge of their ancestors and ensure that it is protected and preserved. At the University of Namibia (UNAM), the Multidisciplinary Research Centre (MRC) conducts annual indigenous knowledge symposia. The MRC also has a research programme on indigenous knowledge systems (IKS), which is funded by the Ministry of Education (ME). Nowadays, more plans are being devoted to the documentation of indigenous knowledge before it disappears.
Namibian leafy vegetables: From traditional to scientific knowledge, current status and applications
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Mushabati, Lameck F.; Kahaka, Gladys K.; Cheikhyoussef, Ahmad
For centuries, our forefathers traditionally used vegetables that grow naturally in the wild. Many enjoyed a relish prepared with traditional vegetables. Moreover, they used these vegetables to treat a number of ailments. This is our African heritage - our Namibian leafy vegetables. These vegetables fall under a broad category that has come to be termed as leafy vegetables (LVs) or African leafy vegetables (ALVs). In this chapter, all Namibia leafy vegetables will be referred to as ALVs and NLVs interchangeably.
Messages given to adolescents and young adults during initiation ceremonies and their relation to HIV/AIDS
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Haihambo, Cynthy K.
According to Namibia’s national population census, the total population of the country stood at 2,113,077 people distributed over its 14 political regions (NSA, 2014). Of this, 43.1% of the population inhabited urban areas, and 56.9% lived in rural areas. The average household size in Namibia is 4.4. The population under the age of 15 stands at 760,707 (36%) while the population aged 15 years and above is 1,352,369 (64%). The employed population, which includes part-time and seasonal employment, stands at 690,019 (70.4%) and the total population that is unemployed is 290,762 (29.6%) (NSA, 2014). Human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) is regarded as one of the biggest threats to economic development in sub-Saharan Africa. HIV is acquired through the transmission of bodily fluids such as blood, vaginal fluids and semen. It is mostly contracted through sex (both heteroand homosexual) that involves the exchange of bodily fluids between individuals. Once it has entered the body, it compromises the individual’s immune system and weakens the body’s ability to fight diseases. In its most advanced stage, it develops from a viral infection to a disease that can lead to disability and death. Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest HIV prevalence, globally, and is termed the worst affected region and is widely regarded as the ‘epicentre’ of the global HIV epidemic.
School learners’ knowledge and views of traditional medicinal plant use in two regions in Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kasanda, Choshi D.; Kapenda, Hileni M.
Local knowledge about natural resources that may be of use to communities, including medicinal plants, is becoming increasingly important globally. This knowledge is important for the participation of indigenous peoples in the conservation and maintenance of indigenous forests (Gazzaneo, de Lucena, & de Albuquerque, 2005) in addition to the frequent use of these resources in the treatment of common ailments and diseases. Knowledge about the use of local fauna and flora, nowadays, is minimal. To ensure the preservation of indigenous knowledge, this state of affairs needs to be rectified. In fact, Teklehaymanot, Giday, Medhin and Mekonnen (2007, p. 272) note that ‘traditional knowledge is rapidly eroding’, hence, there is real danger that if something is not urgently done, this knowledge might be lost for good. This is due to the fact that often indigenous knowledge is passed on from older to younger generations orally, and is not documented. According to Kambizi and Afolayan (2006), it is essential to make an effort to avoid the loss of this important knowledge in order to conserve medicinal plants, especially in rural communities. There is an increasing advocacy for the integration of indigenous knowledge into mainstream science curricula.
The liberation struggle inside Namibia 1966-1989: A regional perspective from the Kavango regions
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Karapo, Herbrt K.
The armed nationalist struggle for independence in Namibia lasted over 20 years, leaving Namibians with a broad awareness of prominent historical landmarks and battles associated with the war, which are marked by national monuments or commemorative events. It is in this way that states manage memory. However, this chapter seeks to provide an alternative perspective by focusing on the changing impact of the conflict over time on one geographically defined community. The Kavango regions are located in the northeastern part of Namibia, but this chapter will focus particularly on the traditional territory of uKwangali, situated in the Kavango West Region in the Mpungu and Nkurenkuru constituencies. The emphasis on the western part of the Kavango regions is because the district shares a regional border with the former ‘Homeland’ of ‘Ovamboland’ in the west of the district, which was the main theatre of war during the period under discussion.1 It is argued here that the Kavango was another important area of conflict, but that the events that took place there are less well known to the Namibian public. Documenting and collecting the living memories of the inhabitants of the Kavango regions fills a gap in the national historiography of Namibia, so as to include the previously unexplored micro-politics, experiences and contributions of the people of this area during the Namibian armed struggle for independence.
The gendered politics of the SWAPO camps during the Namibian liberation struggle
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Akawa, Martha
This chapter looks at the sexual politics of the SWAPO camps (civilian and military) in Angola and Zambia.1 Its purpose is to explore issues around allegations of sexual abuse and unwelcome sexual advances, and issues of sexuality, against the backdrop of SWAPO’s policy on gender equality. Did these allegations undermine the goals and objectives of the leadership, particularly the women’s leadership that had gender equality and women’s emancipation as one of its main goals? The chapter will also seek to question whether a rhetorical commitment to equality was translated into practical equality in terms of the political structures and socio-economic power relationships in the camps. SWAPO made a clear and a firm ideological commitment in publications and speeches that, in the liberation struggle, women were equal to men and that equality between men and women was a central principle of the party. Iina Soiri has argued that the rhetoric of sexual emancipation became more pronounced from the mid-1970s because of a combination of factors. The United Nations announced that the International Decade for Women would take place between 1975 and 1985 and, in 1976, SWAPO adopted a more radical ‘Political Programme’ based on the principles of ‘scientific socialism’ (Soiri, 1996, pp. 67, 85).

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