Chapters in Books (UNP)

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Of storying and storing: ‘Reading’ Lichtenecker’s voice recordings
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Hoffman, A.
With the invention of the phonograph – or sound/voice writer – by Thomas Alva Edison in 1877, the human voice could become an object. What so far had been the elusive, ephemeral effect of sound waves could be captured and stored on Edison wax cylinders. As an object the voice could at once be separated from its source and social setting, become transportable, but also indexical to its absent referent. The phonograph, writes Erika Brady, ‘was distinctively the product of 19th century scientific and social preoccupations’ (1999, p. 11) of which the collecting of (exotic) objects was certainly one. The voice, conserved on wax cylinders, could become part of ‘accumulative, itemcentered, indexic’ collections that were treasured by museums, academic institutions, as well as medical collections (1999, p. 14). The new technology of voice-recording was almost immediately introduced to the study of folklore and to anthropology. Shortly after the recording of voice had become possible, its storage was institutionalised. In Berlin the Phonogramm-Archiv was founded in 1900. Erich von Hornbostel, the Director of the Archive between 1905 and 1933, saw the aim of the archive as creating a collection of musical phonograms of all peoples of the world. The recordings were thought to provide comparative material of modes of expression – both in language and in music – that were deemed key to the cultural character of peoples.1 Today the Phonogramm-Archiv in Berlin is one of several archives in Europe that host immense historical sound and voice collections from many formerly colonised countries.2 To ensure the accumulation of such a comprehensive collection, it was the strategy of the archive to equip German researchers and travellers with a phonograph and wax cylinders. The German artist Hans Lichtenecker was one of them.
The use of traditional medicinal plants as antimicrobial treatments
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Mumbengegwi, Davis R.; Du Preez, Iwanette C.; Dushimemaria, Florence; Auala, Joyce R.; Nafuka, Sylvia N.
Microbial infections are a major cause of morbidity and sometimes mortality, especially in developing countries such as Namibia. Severe poverty is the root cause of this undesirable situation as it leads to malnutrition, inadequate sanitation and consumption of unclean food and drink. This, compounded by lack of education and access to primary healthcare, results in infections by microorganisms such as viruses, bacteria, fungi and protozoa (Table 4.1). The most vulnerable to infectious diseases caused by microbial agents are children under the age of five, where 66% of deaths in this age group are a result of such diseases; 34% of all deaths are attributed to infectious diseases. This was underscored by WHO’s (World Health Organization’s) Regional Director for Africa, Luis Gomes Sambo, in 2011 when he said 63% of deaths on the continent were caused by microbial infections, with HIV/AIDS accounting for 38.5% of these (Anon, 2012). Thus, the most vulnerable groups are young children and individuals whose immune systems are compromised by HIV infection (Table 4.2). Community-acquired bacteraemia is a major cause of death in children at rural sub-Saharan district hospitals. A study by Berkley et al. (2005) showed that 12.8% of infants younger than 60 days had bacteraemia. Escherichia coli and group b streptococcus were the predominant infectious agents.
Indigenous knowledge and climate change in rural Namibia: A gendered approach
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Siyambango, Nguza; Kanyimba, Alex T.; Mufune, Pempelani
Since 1972, robust literature about the need for men and women to respond to the impacts of climate change has emerged. The international response to climate change is embodied in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The UNFCCC that was adopted at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in 1992 has been in force since 1994. The ultimate objective of the UNFCCC is to: ‘... achieve stabilization of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous human-induced interference with the climate system within a timeframe sufficient to allow ecosystems to adapt naturally to climate change, to ensure that food production is not threatened and to enable economic development to proceed in a sustainable manner.’ (UNFCCC cited in Kyoto 2, 2008.) The strategies envisaged by both scientists and politicians are based on the combination of adaptation, mitigation and use of indigenous knowledge (MET, 2011a, 2011b & 2011c). Mitigation, adaption and integration of indigenous knowledge require both men and women to participate equally in decisions pertaining to adjusting ecological, social or economic systems in response to observed climate change, and a process of curtailing greenhouse gas emissions and other anthropogenic interventions. However, traditional configuration of gender roles means that women and men have multiple responsibilities in the home, at the workplace and in the community.
Okongo: Case study of the impact of the liberation struggle in the Ohangwena region
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Nampala, Lovisa T.
base at the town was known as ‘Nkongo’) and the ways in which the residents’ daily lives came to be completely changed during the liberation struggle.1 Traumatic memories include cases of interrogation, harassment, violence, deaths, and the climate of fear created by the conflict between South African forces and the Peoples’ Liberation Army of Namibia and the presence of armed combatants from both sides in the community. Okongo is a village situated in Ohangwena, one of the 14 political regions in Namibia. The chapter will give background on how Okongo village was established and how it became a politically active centre where many acts of violence such as executions, landmine explosions, harassment and detentions took place during the liberation struggle (1966-1989). The limited availability of literature on the impact of the war on communities in northern Namibia during the liberation struggle, especially in Ohangwena Region, motivated me to carry out research on this topic. The information to be presented will be largely based on a set of seven interviews that I conducted with local residents and their personal accounts of the events that took place in the area where they lived.
The Caprivi African National Union (CANU) 1962–1964: Forms of resistance
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kangumu, Bennett
The history of the Caprivi African National Union (CANU) is barely covered in Namibian historiography dealing with the liberation struggle.2 However, in this chapter I am not interested in presenting a historical narrative of the rise and fall of CANU, and thus to mistakenly assume a simple linearity of events regarding the history of the movement.3 I will also not discuss the relationship between CANU and the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) in exile and the subsequent ‘merger’ of the two liberation movements.4 The main focus will be to examine why the administration enforced a harsh clampdown on CANU activities and activists, forcing many into exile and preventing the movement from operating freely within Caprivi, beyond its official launch and its first meeting.
Transforming the traumatic life experiences of women in post-apartheid Namibian historical narratives
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Namhila, Ellen N.
This chapter is based on the experience of interviewing five women, and writing and publishing their stories in a book with the title Tears of Courage: Five Mothers, Five Stories, One Victory.1 That book was published with the financial support of the Archives of Anti-Colonial Resistance and the Liberation Struggle (AACRLS) Project. The project was jointly funded by the Federal Republic of Germany and the Government of the Republic of Namibia and administered under the auspices of the National Archives of Namibia. Published in 2009, the book brought out for the first time the hidden and untold sufferings of ordinary village women’s experiences at the hands of the apartheid military, police and prison guards, during the formative years of the liberation struggle. Namibian women played a pivotal role in the struggle against colonialism and apartheid as they fed, clothed, nursed, and acted as a shield for the freedom fighters. The women whose stories are in the book were all arrested by the apartheid police. One was beaten until she had a miscarriage, another imprisoned in Pretoria where she had to give birth in jail, another had her house destroyed and burnt to the ground and her husband killed, another was beaten and tortured when the police could not find her brother (who was on the police’s list of wanted persons), and the last was sentenced to a jail term in Pretoria along with her two brothers. In the epilogue of the book, John Otto Nankudhu, Commander of Omugulugwoombashe, SWAPO’s first military camp inside Namibia, which was attacked by the South African military in August 1966, stated: ‘It is gratifying to see the story of these women written down. They carry a history of our country we cannot afford to lose. I know some of these women very well because it was mainly due to them that we survived in northern Namibia and escaped arrest from the apartheid authority for a long time.’ As Beth Goldblatt and Sheila Meintjies argue, ‘Our society constantly diminishes the women’s role and women themselves then see their experiences as unimportant’ (1996).
The Vagciriku-Lishora massacre of 1894 revisited
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Shiremo, Shampapi
One day in March or April 1894,1 the Vagciriku community of the Kavango Region in Namibia and Cuando-Cubango Province in Angola lost almost all its able-bodied men. This happened after a force of armed BaTawana men on horseback, commanded by Kgosi2 Sekgoma, which had travelled from Botswana, shot in cold-blood all the ablebodied Vagciriku men at a place called Shantjefu.3 Hompa Nyangana of the Vagciriku, his son, Mbambo, women and children were captured and taken into captivity in Ngamiland. The BaTawana army also confiscated all the Vagciriku cattle, guns and horses as booty. Compared with colonial massacres in Namibian historiography such as the Hornkranz Massacre of 1893, the Old Location Massacre of 1959 or the Cassinga Massacre of 1978, the Lishora Massacre of 1894 is relatively unknown. The small body of literature about the Lishora Massacre of 1894 is generally one sided and situated outside the ‘colonial narrative’. In Vagciriku oral history, Hompa Nyangana’s despotism is usually blamed for the Lishora Massacre of 1894 as it is described as being a response to the conflict between Hompa Nyangana and the section of the Vashambyu led by Hompaghona (Prince) Kanyetu. Hompa Nyangana is sometimes remembered as an authoritarian leader who used violence to settle scores with his rivals. The view that Hompa Nyangana played a direct role in the Lishora massacre has never been critically questioned, because the existing secondary literature and oral narratives ignored the primary and archival sources kept in Botswana’s National Archives.
Brendan Kangongolo Simbwaye: A journey of ‘internal’ exile
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kangumu, Bennett
The Caprivi African National Union (CANU) was secretly founded on 7 September 19622 even though it had existed as an underground movement from late 1958. CANU did not survive within Caprivi beyond its very first public meeting, which took place in July 1964.3 Brendan Kangongolo Simbwaye, founding President of CANU, and two others, Alfred Tongo Nalishuwa, and Vernet Maswahu, were arrested at that meeting and this marked the start of a life of perpetual detention, isolation, banishment and ‘internal’ exile or displacement for Maswahu and Simbwaye. After his arrest, CANU re-grouped in Zambia under Albert Mishake Muyongo and joined the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) in an alliance in 1964. Simbwaye was made SWAPO’s Vice-President.
Bioprospecting for ‘green diamonds’: Medicinal plants used in the management of HIV/AIDS-related conditions
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Chinsembu, Kazhila C.
I believe that while scientific research is necessary to improve the way in which our natural resources are exploited … our people must not be completely disowned … of resources that they have possessed for generations. It will be a sad day when the medicinal formulas of devil’s claw are patented by big pharmaceutical companies and thereby become depleted and unavailable to the natural owners of the resource. (His Excellency Dr Sam Nujoma, Founding President of Namibia at a symposium on devil’s claw, as reported by Wickham, 2001.)
Liberals and non-racism in Namibia’s settler society? Advocate Israel Goldblatt’s engagement with Namibian nationalists in the 1960s
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Henrichsen, Dag
Namibia’s settler society has a very weak, indeed almost non-existent tradition of advocacy of non-racism. Up to the early 1970s, none of the settlers’ political parties postulated principles of non-racism – that is individually based citizenship and democratic rights as well as legal, economic and social opportunities irrespective of apartheid’s racial designations and ascriptions. This is in contrast, for example, to political parties in ‘white’ South Africa or Zimbabwe (See Hancock, 1980; Marks, 1995; Rich, 1984; Vigne, 1997).2 South African visitors to Windhoek in the early 1960s, whether Ruth First, the radical left-wing journalist and writer or the Vice-President of the South African Liberal Party, Randolph Vigne, were either appalled or expressed grave disillusionment with respect to the prospect of any European non-racial political activity in this South African colony. Ruth First stated in 1963: ‘It remains a frightening fact that not a single white political leader in South West Africa has ever advocated a non-racial democracy’ (1963, p. 54). Two years earlier, Randolph Vigne had summed up his talks in Windhoek with, amongst others, Advocate Israel Goldblatt and African nationalists like Clemens Kapuuo, Levy Nganjone or Zedekia Ngavirue by stating: ‘If Goldblatt is right, and it is an impossibility to build bridges at this stage [in early 1961], the best hope of bringing about a non-racial group inside SWA and avert[ing] a racial clash, is to afford travel and study to some of the young African leaders.
Oshikundu: An indigenous fermented beverage
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Embashu, Werner; Cheikhyoussef, Ahmad; Kahaka, Gladys K.
Oshikundu is a common beverage in Oshana, Omusati, Ohangwena, Oshikoto and Kavango West and East regions of Namibia. As in many parts of Africa, cereal foods and beverages form part of the daily diet in these regions. Cereal beverages, such as oshikundu, undergo fermentation, which is a natural process that has been used for many years as an economical form of food preservation. Fermentation kills harmful microorganisms and prolongs the shelf life of basic foodstuffs; it also enhances the nutritional value and organoleptic quality of them, as it does to their quality and stability. Oshikundu fermentation is dominated by lactic acid bacteria (LAB). The use of LAB offers many advantages, such as increasing food palatability and improving the quality of foods and beverages. Using starter cultures has led to the large-scale production of fermented cereal beverages in many parts of the world. However, the inconsistency of the organoleptic properties of oshikundu remains a challenge in household processing technology. Consumer choice is greatly influenced by the sensory attributes of oshikundu, such as its aroma and taste. Furthermore, the brewing technology depends on backslopping of an unknown starter culture, preventing the successful production of it on a large scale.
To integrate or not: Exploring the prospects and challenges of integrating indigenous knowledge at the University of Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Chinsembu, Grace M.; Hamunyela, Miriam N.
Namibia has a population of about 2.1 million people of which 87.5% belong to one of nine main indigenous ethnic groups: Aawambo (50.0%), vaKavango (9.0%), Ovaherero (7.0%), Damara (7.0%), Nama (5.0%), Lozi (4.0%), San (3.0%), Baster (2.0%) and Tswana (0.5%) (UNDP, 2000). In Namibia, ethnic identity is stronger than national identity, with 75% of Namibians feeling much stronger ties to people of their own ethnic group than to fellow compatriots of other ethnic groups (Shaw- Taylor, 2008). Undoubtedly, a lot of indigenous knowledge is embedded within these strong ethnic and cultural precincts. Over the past two decades, many Namibian policy makers and knowledge workers have begun to realize the importance of indigenous knowledge in the country’s development process. In 2011, the Polytechnic of Namibia hosted a three-day conference on the technology of indigenous knowledge under the theme, ‘Embracing indigenous knowledge systems into a new technology design paradigm’. During this conference, Namibians were urged to nurture the knowledge of their ancestors and ensure that it is protected and preserved. At the University of Namibia (UNAM), the Multidisciplinary Research Centre (MRC) conducts annual indigenous knowledge symposia. The MRC also has a research programme on indigenous knowledge systems (IKS), which is funded by the Ministry of Education (ME). Nowadays, more plans are being devoted to the documentation of indigenous knowledge before it disappears.
Namibian leafy vegetables: From traditional to scientific knowledge, current status and applications
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Mushabati, Lameck F.; Kahaka, Gladys K.; Cheikhyoussef, Ahmad
For centuries, our forefathers traditionally used vegetables that grow naturally in the wild. Many enjoyed a relish prepared with traditional vegetables. Moreover, they used these vegetables to treat a number of ailments. This is our African heritage - our Namibian leafy vegetables. These vegetables fall under a broad category that has come to be termed as leafy vegetables (LVs) or African leafy vegetables (ALVs). In this chapter, all Namibia leafy vegetables will be referred to as ALVs and NLVs interchangeably.
Messages given to adolescents and young adults during initiation ceremonies and their relation to HIV/AIDS
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Haihambo, Cynthy K.
According to Namibia’s national population census, the total population of the country stood at 2,113,077 people distributed over its 14 political regions (NSA, 2014). Of this, 43.1% of the population inhabited urban areas, and 56.9% lived in rural areas. The average household size in Namibia is 4.4. The population under the age of 15 stands at 760,707 (36%) while the population aged 15 years and above is 1,352,369 (64%). The employed population, which includes part-time and seasonal employment, stands at 690,019 (70.4%) and the total population that is unemployed is 290,762 (29.6%) (NSA, 2014). Human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) is regarded as one of the biggest threats to economic development in sub-Saharan Africa. HIV is acquired through the transmission of bodily fluids such as blood, vaginal fluids and semen. It is mostly contracted through sex (both heteroand homosexual) that involves the exchange of bodily fluids between individuals. Once it has entered the body, it compromises the individual’s immune system and weakens the body’s ability to fight diseases. In its most advanced stage, it develops from a viral infection to a disease that can lead to disability and death. Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest HIV prevalence, globally, and is termed the worst affected region and is widely regarded as the ‘epicentre’ of the global HIV epidemic.
School learners’ knowledge and views of traditional medicinal plant use in two regions in Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kasanda, Choshi D.; Kapenda, Hileni M.
Local knowledge about natural resources that may be of use to communities, including medicinal plants, is becoming increasingly important globally. This knowledge is important for the participation of indigenous peoples in the conservation and maintenance of indigenous forests (Gazzaneo, de Lucena, & de Albuquerque, 2005) in addition to the frequent use of these resources in the treatment of common ailments and diseases. Knowledge about the use of local fauna and flora, nowadays, is minimal. To ensure the preservation of indigenous knowledge, this state of affairs needs to be rectified. In fact, Teklehaymanot, Giday, Medhin and Mekonnen (2007, p. 272) note that ‘traditional knowledge is rapidly eroding’, hence, there is real danger that if something is not urgently done, this knowledge might be lost for good. This is due to the fact that often indigenous knowledge is passed on from older to younger generations orally, and is not documented. According to Kambizi and Afolayan (2006), it is essential to make an effort to avoid the loss of this important knowledge in order to conserve medicinal plants, especially in rural communities. There is an increasing advocacy for the integration of indigenous knowledge into mainstream science curricula.
Heritage education in the school curriculum: A critical reflection
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Likando, Gilbert N.
This chapter critically highlights the importance of heritage education in the school curriculum in Namibia. It does so in relation to John Patrick’s five pitfalls that heritage educators must avoid in the process of designing a heritage education school curriculum or infusing the right content into existing curriculum, namely: elitism, extreme pluralism, localism, romanticism and anti-intellectualism (Patrick, 1989). The chapter links this perspective by Patrick of heritage education infusion and integration in the school curriculum to the on-going reform process in education in Namibia. Debates have loomed on how the integration or infusion could be done. While some proponents propose the creation of an entirely new curriculum for heritage education in schools, others argue for the infusion of heritage education content into the current school curriculum by drawing on many disciplines such as history, geography, the natural and social sciences, the arts and literature as the best approach.
Waking the dead: Civilian casualties in the Namibian liberation struggle
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Silvester, Jeremy; Akawa, Martha
One day in early January 1984, an old Ford truck set out from Ruacana. Twenty-five workers stood crowded in the back. After travelling just five kilometres from the small town the truck drove over a double landmine. The explosion left a huge crater in the ground and immediately killed ten of the people in the truck, whilst another six were severely injured, losing hands, arms and legs. None of the names of those who had died were provided in the press coverage of the incident. On 23 January 1988, four young people were driving a Toyota Hilux van near their home when a unit of the Koevoet paramilitary police unit opened fire on their vehicle riddling it with bullets and totally destroying it. Cornelius Nghipukuula, aged 27, was killed immediately and two of the other occupants were wounded. The three survivors were told to report to the police station the next day to pay a R100 fine as an ‘admission of guilt’ for driving during a curfew. These were just two incidents amongst many that occurred during the Namibian war of independence in which the casualties were not soldiers, but civilians. Yet the absence of the names of those killed in one of the largest landmine explosions that took place during the war seems symptomatic of the way in which civilian victims of the war remain unrecognised in accounts of the liberation struggle.
Finnish solidarity with the liberation struggle of Namibia: A documentation project
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Peltola, Pekka
Namibia’s independence was won primarily by the efforts of Namibians themselves. Acknowledging this, it is also important to remember that the liberation struggle of Namibians took place outside its borders as well: it started in Cape Town, spread to the United Nations in New York, established itself in Tanzania, then in Zambia and Angola. The diplomatic, political and armed struggle led by SWAPO could be fought only with the material, political, and other support given by many governments and nongovernmental organisations. Thousands of people dedicated themselves to supporting the fight against apartheid and for a free and independent Namibia. In order to write a comprehensive history of the struggle, a rich database documenting the mainly selfless efforts rendered by solidarity activists in other countries is necessary. For this reason Finland has contributed by collecting documentary evidence of the work done in Finland or by Finns for the struggle and, therefore, the initiative of the Archives of Anti-Colonial Resistance and the Liberation Struggle (AACRLS) project was welcomed in Finland, where a committee was formally established for that purpose in 2004 as a part of the Namibian effort to save this history.
Reclaiming indigenous knowledge in Namibia’s post-colonial curriculum: The case of the Mafwe people
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Lilemba, John M.; Matemba, Yonah H.
In Namibia, as is the case in the rest of Africa, different versions of an indigenous knowledge-based education, mainly through the formal setting of traditional initiation schools, was an integral part of community life (Amukugo, 1993; Ray, 1999). The initiation school, of which attendance was compulsory, was a system of formal education with parallels to Western forms of education. For example, initiation schools had a standardized curriculum, set times of instruction, specified age of children for instruction, assessment strategies, use of ‘qualified’ instructors (experienced village elders) and formal arrangements to recognize and celebrate those who successfully completed the education (Matemba, 2010). The curriculum offered included teaching the neophytes on ‘proper’ use of language, survival skills, customs, values, marriage, parenting, religion, respect for others, etc. (Mbiti, 1999; Amanze, 2002). As numerous studies have shown, the arrival of missionaries and colonial political powers in Africa from the mid-1800s onwards and their attitudes towards African cultural institutions impacted negatively on the viability of the African indigenous system of education, which was condemned as barbaric, heathen and an impediment to the consolidation of Christianity and Western culture on the continent (Abernethy, 1969; McCracken, 1977; Nduka, 1980; Ball, 1983; Comaroff & Comaroff, 1986)
Indigenous knowledge used in the management of human–wildlife conflict along the borders of the Etosha National Park
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Lendelvo, Selma M.; Angula, Margaret; Mfune, John K.
Humans and wildlife in Africa have coexisted for millennia, but conflicts between them have become common phenomena (Shemwetta & Kideghesho, 2000). Worldwide, borders between humans and wild spaces have become blurred, particularly those surrounding protected areas. As a result, wildlife frequently moves out of protected areas and enters nearby human settlements (Ogra, 2008). In addition, the frequency of human–wildlife conflicts (HWCs) in these areas has grown in recent decades, largely because of the increase in human population, the expansion of human activities and changes in wildlife management systems (Graham, Beckerman, & Thirgood, 2005). In this chapter, we describe how commercial and communal farmers who live along the borders of Etosha National Park (ENP) use their indigenous knowledge in dealing with HWC. We interviewed 48 farmers from cattle posts in the communal areas north of ENP and 51 commercial farmers on private land south of ENP through a semi-structured questionnaire. The majority of farmers indicated that they have techniques and strategies to protect their livestock, crops, families and property from being harmed by problem wildlife. Understanding the indigenous knowledge that farmers have to deal with HWC is important for improving wildlife management systems in Namibia.

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