Chapters in Books (UNP)

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Reclaiming indigenous knowledge in Namibia’s post-colonial curriculum: The case of the Mafwe people
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Lilemba, John M.; Matemba, Yonah H.
In Namibia, as is the case in the rest of Africa, different versions of an indigenous knowledge-based education, mainly through the formal setting of traditional initiation schools, was an integral part of community life (Amukugo, 1993; Ray, 1999). The initiation school, of which attendance was compulsory, was a system of formal education with parallels to Western forms of education. For example, initiation schools had a standardized curriculum, set times of instruction, specified age of children for instruction, assessment strategies, use of ‘qualified’ instructors (experienced village elders) and formal arrangements to recognize and celebrate those who successfully completed the education (Matemba, 2010). The curriculum offered included teaching the neophytes on ‘proper’ use of language, survival skills, customs, values, marriage, parenting, religion, respect for others, etc. (Mbiti, 1999; Amanze, 2002). As numerous studies have shown, the arrival of missionaries and colonial political powers in Africa from the mid-1800s onwards and their attitudes towards African cultural institutions impacted negatively on the viability of the African indigenous system of education, which was condemned as barbaric, heathen and an impediment to the consolidation of Christianity and Western culture on the continent (Abernethy, 1969; McCracken, 1977; Nduka, 1980; Ball, 1983; Comaroff & Comaroff, 1986)
Bioprospecting for ‘green diamonds’: Medicinal plants used in the management of HIV/AIDS-related conditions
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Chinsembu, Kazhila C.
I believe that while scientific research is necessary to improve the way in which our natural resources are exploited … our people must not be completely disowned … of resources that they have possessed for generations. It will be a sad day when the medicinal formulas of devil’s claw are patented by big pharmaceutical companies and thereby become depleted and unavailable to the natural owners of the resource. (His Excellency Dr Sam Nujoma, Founding President of Namibia at a symposium on devil’s claw, as reported by Wickham, 2001.)
Developmental issues facing the San people of Namibia: Road to de-marginalization in formal education
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Brown, Anthony; Haihambo, Cynthy K.
INTRODUCTION: As for other indigenous people in the world, the living standards of the San in Namibia have drawn attention as they have been viewed as contravening basic human rights. Since its independence from apartheid South Africa, the Namibian Government, as a member of the United Nations (UN), has embarked upon various projects and interventions in order to secure the rights of their indigenous communities, including those of the San. One of the most progressive conventions of the UN, the Salamanca Statement of 1994 on inclusive education (UNESCO, 1994), promulgates that schooling should cater for all children regardless of their differences or difficulties and serves as a driver towards such efforts. It is worth noting that this global educational transformation came at a time when Namibia was in its fourth year of independence from apartheid South Africa, and was attempting to deconstruct and redress the fragmented education system that it had inherited. It was an education that separated learners depending on their race, gender, ethnicity and language, and if they had a disability (MEC, 1993). It is through this historical backdrop that the San face current challenges as agents in an inclusive space. The educational experiences of indigenous San children in Namibia reflect discrimination, isolation and a compromised quality of education, and their identity and their indigenous knowledge is not fully embraced in the broader education system. As a result many of them fall through the safety net of this all-embracing educational philosophy. It is for this reason that San children have become a heightened concern and responsibility for the education authority in Namibia.
Solidarity with liberation in Namibia: An analytical eyewitness account from a West German perspective
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kossler, Reinhart
When asked for an eyewitness account, one’s own personal experience takes centre stage. In addition to drawing on that experience, I have carried out scholarly studies on the solidarity movement, particularly in relation to Southern Africa.1 It is a different task to reflect on my own involvement. I had been active in the student movement, in the movement against the war in Vietnam, and similar work for some years, before Southern Africa became the focus of my attention. I remember being part of a campaign in Heidelberg in 1968, aimed at alerting people to the colonial wars in what were then the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau. That was my first stint of solidarity work with national liberation movements in Southern Africa. In 1979, after completing my PhD, I got my first job as Executive Secretary of the Informationsstelle Südliches Afrika (Information Service Southern Africa) in Bonn, popularly known as ISSA.2 That catapulted me into intense work in ‘counterinformation’, writing articles for a monthly magazine and publishing solidarity literature, all efforts devoted to making the West German public aware of the reality of apartheid and colonialism, to propagating the aims of the national liberation struggles and the overwhelming case for majority rule, and to helping activists in the local chapters of a whole range of organisations to strengthen their hand when they had to argue their case during public events, as well as in everyday life. The move turned out to be much more decisive than I had thought when I started the job.
Heritage education in the school curriculum: A critical reflection
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Likando, Gilbert N.
This chapter critically highlights the importance of heritage education in the school curriculum in Namibia. It does so in relation to John Patrick’s five pitfalls that heritage educators must avoid in the process of designing a heritage education school curriculum or infusing the right content into existing curriculum, namely: elitism, extreme pluralism, localism, romanticism and anti-intellectualism (Patrick, 1989). The chapter links this perspective by Patrick of heritage education infusion and integration in the school curriculum to the on-going reform process in education in Namibia. Debates have loomed on how the integration or infusion could be done. While some proponents propose the creation of an entirely new curriculum for heritage education in schools, others argue for the infusion of heritage education content into the current school curriculum by drawing on many disciplines such as history, geography, the natural and social sciences, the arts and literature as the best approach.
Waking the dead: Civilian casualties in the Namibian liberation struggle
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Silvester, Jeremy; Akawa, Martha
One day in early January 1984, an old Ford truck set out from Ruacana. Twenty-five workers stood crowded in the back. After travelling just five kilometres from the small town the truck drove over a double landmine. The explosion left a huge crater in the ground and immediately killed ten of the people in the truck, whilst another six were severely injured, losing hands, arms and legs. None of the names of those who had died were provided in the press coverage of the incident. On 23 January 1988, four young people were driving a Toyota Hilux van near their home when a unit of the Koevoet paramilitary police unit opened fire on their vehicle riddling it with bullets and totally destroying it. Cornelius Nghipukuula, aged 27, was killed immediately and two of the other occupants were wounded. The three survivors were told to report to the police station the next day to pay a R100 fine as an ‘admission of guilt’ for driving during a curfew. These were just two incidents amongst many that occurred during the Namibian war of independence in which the casualties were not soldiers, but civilians. Yet the absence of the names of those killed in one of the largest landmine explosions that took place during the war seems symptomatic of the way in which civilian victims of the war remain unrecognised in accounts of the liberation struggle.
Indigenous knowledge and antimicrobial properties of plants used in ethnoveterinary medicine
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Chinsembu, Kazhila C.
The use of chemical pesticides and pharmaceutical drugs to manage livestock pests and diseases is anathema to the environment and leads to the development of resistance. Most resource-poor farmers also face problems, such as inaccessibility, unaffordability and inappropriate use of chemical pesticides and drugs. Faced with these constraints, livestock farmers in Namibia and other African countries turn to indigenous knowledge as an alternative option and as a key to unlock the power of plants to control various vectors and diseases of livestock. Utilization of plant extracts as ethnoveterinary medicines (EVMs) is perhaps one of the most sustainable methods readily adaptable to rural livestock-farming communities. Plants identified as herbal remedies in the management of livestock diseases, especially those with antimicrobial and antiparasitic properties, present considerable potential for further scientific research which may lead to the discovery of new and safer drugs. Although many rural communal farmers use plants to treat livestock diseases, the current status of information on the use of plants in EVM Namibia, and the biological activities and toxicities of this flora, is still inadequate. For example, a complete systematic ethnobotanical list has not yet been compiled, creating an urgent need to record EVM knowledge in Namibia.
Revolutionary songs as a response to colonialism in Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Mbenzi, Petrus A.
Traditional songs in Africa were often used as a weapon against indiscipline in a society (Finnegan, 1970). Transgressors were ridiculed and shamed through singing when boys and girls met for social dancing in an open space (which usually took place in the evening) and vulgar language was hurled against the offender. Misdemeanours and the shameful acts of certain people were also criticized through action songs. On these occasions, the names of ‘alleged’ offenders were mentioned as well as the offences they had committed. These songs were also performed when people did teamwork for threshing, weeding and so forth. During the struggle for independence, the same strategy was applied. Ruth Finnegan (1970, p. 273) argues that it would be a mistake to assume too easily that there is necessarily a complete break in continuity between traditional political poetry and that of modern politics. Songs were used to sensitise the oppressed to their plight and to expose the iniquities of the old regime. The proponents and protagonists of the apartheid system were criticised and Namibians were encouraged to resist oppressive laws. To boost their morale and demonstrate their indefatigable quest for emancipation from the yoke of colonialism, the People’s Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN) fighters composed various revolutionary songs. With the attainment of independence, the popularity of these songs has dwindled. They are sung on rare occasions and it is feared that some songs may vanish with time if they are not properly recorded and documented to ensure their survival. As a result the historical events inherent in these songs may drift into obscurity. This chapter investigates the functions of revolutionary songs in the Namibian independence struggle and identifies their most important themes. The main aims of the chapter are to highlight the historical value of the songs and gauge their significance during the colonial era.
Harvesting and consumption of the giant African bullfrog, a delicacy in northern Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Okeyo, Daniel O.; Kandjengo, Lineekela; Kashea, Martha M.
Namibia covers an area of approximately 800,000 square kilometres and has a human population of about 2.1 million. This gives an average density of about 2.6 people per square kilometre. Most of the people of Namibia belong to one of five main ethnic groups of African origin: the Aawambo, Ovaherero, Kavango, Caprivian, and Damara and Nama peoples. The diet of ethnic Namibians comprises a variety of foods such as millet, sorghum, maize, sweet potatoes, groundnuts and fruits. Millet and maize are staple foods. Fruits are mainly wild and indigenous. Staple foods in northern Namibia are generally accompanied with indigenous vegetables, beef, lamb, mutton or fish. Giant African bullfrogs – locally known as efuma (sing.) or omafuma (pl.) – form a delicacy, especially during the rainy season (Figure 10.1). The Aawambo are not alone in appreciating these frogs (Pyxicephalus adspersus) as a delicacy. Reports exist of others also eating it within Namibia as well as elsewhere in southern Africa. For example, the Nsenga people in the eastern Luangwa Valley (Eastern Province, Zambia) also consume whole bullfrogs, which they locally call kanyama kaliye fupa – the animal without bones. The giant African bullfrog is distributed widely throughout southern and eastern Africa (Figure 10.2) and found in areas of Namibia, Angola, Botswana, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Mozambique, Malawi, Tanzania and Kenya (Channing, 1991; Conradie, Branch, Braack, & Manson, 2010; IUCN, 2011). It is reported to occur in the central and northern areas of Namibia (Channing 1991; Griffin, 1997) and is found in considerable numbers on the northern plains, especially during the early rain season.
The use of traditional medicinal plants as antimicrobial treatments
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Mumbengegwi, Davis R.; Du Preez, Iwanette C.; Dushimemaria, Florence; Auala, Joyce R.; Nafuka, Sylvia N.
Microbial infections are a major cause of morbidity and sometimes mortality, especially in developing countries such as Namibia. Severe poverty is the root cause of this undesirable situation as it leads to malnutrition, inadequate sanitation and consumption of unclean food and drink. This, compounded by lack of education and access to primary healthcare, results in infections by microorganisms such as viruses, bacteria, fungi and protozoa (Table 4.1). The most vulnerable to infectious diseases caused by microbial agents are children under the age of five, where 66% of deaths in this age group are a result of such diseases; 34% of all deaths are attributed to infectious diseases. This was underscored by WHO’s (World Health Organization’s) Regional Director for Africa, Luis Gomes Sambo, in 2011 when he said 63% of deaths on the continent were caused by microbial infections, with HIV/AIDS accounting for 38.5% of these (Anon, 2012). Thus, the most vulnerable groups are young children and individuals whose immune systems are compromised by HIV infection (Table 4.2). Community-acquired bacteraemia is a major cause of death in children at rural sub-Saharan district hospitals. A study by Berkley et al. (2005) showed that 12.8% of infants younger than 60 days had bacteraemia. Escherichia coli and group b streptococcus were the predominant infectious agents.
Okongo: Case study of the impact of the liberation struggle in the Ohangwena region
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Nampala, Lovisa T.
base at the town was known as ‘Nkongo’) and the ways in which the residents’ daily lives came to be completely changed during the liberation struggle.1 Traumatic memories include cases of interrogation, harassment, violence, deaths, and the climate of fear created by the conflict between South African forces and the Peoples’ Liberation Army of Namibia and the presence of armed combatants from both sides in the community. Okongo is a village situated in Ohangwena, one of the 14 political regions in Namibia. The chapter will give background on how Okongo village was established and how it became a politically active centre where many acts of violence such as executions, landmine explosions, harassment and detentions took place during the liberation struggle (1966-1989). The limited availability of literature on the impact of the war on communities in northern Namibia during the liberation struggle, especially in Ohangwena Region, motivated me to carry out research on this topic. The information to be presented will be largely based on a set of seven interviews that I conducted with local residents and their personal accounts of the events that took place in the area where they lived.
The Caprivi African National Union (CANU) 1962–1964: Forms of resistance
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kangumu, Bennett
The history of the Caprivi African National Union (CANU) is barely covered in Namibian historiography dealing with the liberation struggle.2 However, in this chapter I am not interested in presenting a historical narrative of the rise and fall of CANU, and thus to mistakenly assume a simple linearity of events regarding the history of the movement.3 I will also not discuss the relationship between CANU and the South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) in exile and the subsequent ‘merger’ of the two liberation movements.4 The main focus will be to examine why the administration enforced a harsh clampdown on CANU activities and activists, forcing many into exile and preventing the movement from operating freely within Caprivi, beyond its official launch and its first meeting.
Traditionally fermented milk products
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Heita, Lusia; Cheikhyoussef, Ahmad
Fermented milk is one of the foods that are highly respected and form a part of the daily intake in Namibia. There are many types of fermented milk in Namibia, which have different preparation methods. Milk fermentation assists in preserving the milk by generating organic acids (e.g., lactic and acetic acids) and antimicrobial compounds (e.g., bacteriocins), as well as flavour compounds (e.g., acetaldehyde) and other metabolites (e.g., exopolysaccharides) that contribute to the product’s organoleptic properties. Fermented milk provides special therapeutic and prophylacticbproperties against many diseases, symptoms and health problems. This chapter outlines the types of traditionally fermented milks produced in Namibia – omashikwa, mashini ghakushika and mabisi – their modes of fermentation and physicochemical properties, and the dominant microflora in them. The health and social benefits of these fermented milk products are also discussed
Indigenous knowledge and climate change in rural Namibia: A gendered approach
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Siyambango, Nguza; Kanyimba, Alex T.; Mufune, Pempelani
Since 1972, robust literature about the need for men and women to respond to the impacts of climate change has emerged. The international response to climate change is embodied in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The UNFCCC that was adopted at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in 1992 has been in force since 1994. The ultimate objective of the UNFCCC is to: ‘... achieve stabilization of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous human-induced interference with the climate system within a timeframe sufficient to allow ecosystems to adapt naturally to climate change, to ensure that food production is not threatened and to enable economic development to proceed in a sustainable manner.’ (UNFCCC cited in Kyoto 2, 2008.) The strategies envisaged by both scientists and politicians are based on the combination of adaptation, mitigation and use of indigenous knowledge (MET, 2011a, 2011b & 2011c). Mitigation, adaption and integration of indigenous knowledge require both men and women to participate equally in decisions pertaining to adjusting ecological, social or economic systems in response to observed climate change, and a process of curtailing greenhouse gas emissions and other anthropogenic interventions. However, traditional configuration of gender roles means that women and men have multiple responsibilities in the home, at the workplace and in the community.
Colonialism and the development of the contract labour system in Kavango
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Likuwa, Kletus M.
The contract labour system in Namibia was a colonial invention and needs to be explored in the context of colonial historiography. Many scholars have written on the contract labour system in Namibia. However, while there is a general understanding of the system, the Kavango as a supplier of contract labour is neglected, as the historiography has largely focused on the supply of labour from the region that was labelled ‘Ovamboland’ (Clarence-Smith and Moorsom, 1977; Cronje and Cronje, 1979; Hishongwa, 1992; Kane Berman, 1972; McKittrick, 1998; Moorsom, 1989; Cooper, 2001). However, the area known today as the regions of Kavango East and Kavango West has a significant role in the history of migrant labour in Namibia and there is an opportunity to reassess the system using a different regional context. Although labour recruitment in the Kavango had been on-going prior to 1925, it was unorganised with limited numbers of recruits collected by colonial officials, and it was only after 1925 that the South African administration finally managed to formalise labour recruitment. The formalisation of the contract labour system in the Kavango occurred with the formation of the Northern Labour Organisation (NLO) and Southern Labour Organisation (SLO) in 1925. These were later amalgamated into the South West Africa Native Labour Association (SWANLA) which recruited labourers from the Kavango and Ovambo in the early 1940s until the collapse of the contract labour system in 1972. Using qualitative research methods to gather and analyse data, this paper employs oral interviews, archival and written sources to explain the encounters of the Kavango population with colonialism and asks why both German (1885-1915) and South African (1915-1989) colonial authorities needed labourers from Kavango, and what strategies the colonial administration used to extract labour.
Hendrik Witbooi and Samuel Maharero: The Ambiguity of Heroes
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Hillebrecht, Werner
Hendrik Witbooi and Samuel Maharero are two familiar icons. Both of these portraits were probably taken in the same style, but on different occasions, by the Windhoek photographer Lange. Both men started their careers as leaders in a controversial way, Hendrik by rebelling against his father, Kaptein Moses Witbooi; Samuel by succeeding his father Maharero in violation of traditional succession rules. Both led their people in the struggle against German colonial rule. Witbooi died from a German bullet in 1905. He was buried in a secret, forgotten grave near Vaalgras, which has not been rediscovered. Maharero died in exile in Bechuanaland in 1923, eight years after German rule ended, and seventeen years after he had left; indeed he only returned to Namibia for his reburial in Okahandja. Both are remembered to this day by their respective communities in an annual commemoration, and both had a history of fighting against each other, and side by side, both for the Germans, and against the Germans. This chapter focuses on Hendrik Witbooi, as it is mainly based on research of his correspondence, but Samuel Maharero also appears again and again, as their stories are inextricably linked. The chapter should not be understood as an attempt to tear down monuments. In any case, although he deserves a monument, Witbooi does not have one, just an empty grave at Heroes Acre, Windhoek, and a memorial stone in Gibeon. In my personal opinion, Hendrik Witbooi is a hero for a number of reasons, and that he died from a German bullet is but the least of them. But this chapter is a reminder of the complexity of history and that ‘heroes’ are rarely as flawless as popular versions of history would like to portray. Contemporary images of cartoon and ‘Hollywood Heroes’ create expectations that run the risk of obscuring histories that contain different and discordant perspectives.
Of storying and storing: ‘Reading’ Lichtenecker’s voice recordings
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Hoffman, A.
With the invention of the phonograph – or sound/voice writer – by Thomas Alva Edison in 1877, the human voice could become an object. What so far had been the elusive, ephemeral effect of sound waves could be captured and stored on Edison wax cylinders. As an object the voice could at once be separated from its source and social setting, become transportable, but also indexical to its absent referent. The phonograph, writes Erika Brady, ‘was distinctively the product of 19th century scientific and social preoccupations’ (1999, p. 11) of which the collecting of (exotic) objects was certainly one. The voice, conserved on wax cylinders, could become part of ‘accumulative, itemcentered, indexic’ collections that were treasured by museums, academic institutions, as well as medical collections (1999, p. 14). The new technology of voice-recording was almost immediately introduced to the study of folklore and to anthropology. Shortly after the recording of voice had become possible, its storage was institutionalised. In Berlin the Phonogramm-Archiv was founded in 1900. Erich von Hornbostel, the Director of the Archive between 1905 and 1933, saw the aim of the archive as creating a collection of musical phonograms of all peoples of the world. The recordings were thought to provide comparative material of modes of expression – both in language and in music – that were deemed key to the cultural character of peoples.1 Today the Phonogramm-Archiv in Berlin is one of several archives in Europe that host immense historical sound and voice collections from many formerly colonised countries.2 To ensure the accumulation of such a comprehensive collection, it was the strategy of the archive to equip German researchers and travellers with a phonograph and wax cylinders. The German artist Hans Lichtenecker was one of them.
Liberals and non-racism in Namibia’s settler society? Advocate Israel Goldblatt’s engagement with Namibian nationalists in the 1960s
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Henrichsen, Dag
Namibia’s settler society has a very weak, indeed almost non-existent tradition of advocacy of non-racism. Up to the early 1970s, none of the settlers’ political parties postulated principles of non-racism – that is individually based citizenship and democratic rights as well as legal, economic and social opportunities irrespective of apartheid’s racial designations and ascriptions. This is in contrast, for example, to political parties in ‘white’ South Africa or Zimbabwe (See Hancock, 1980; Marks, 1995; Rich, 1984; Vigne, 1997).2 South African visitors to Windhoek in the early 1960s, whether Ruth First, the radical left-wing journalist and writer or the Vice-President of the South African Liberal Party, Randolph Vigne, were either appalled or expressed grave disillusionment with respect to the prospect of any European non-racial political activity in this South African colony. Ruth First stated in 1963: ‘It remains a frightening fact that not a single white political leader in South West Africa has ever advocated a non-racial democracy’ (1963, p. 54). Two years earlier, Randolph Vigne had summed up his talks in Windhoek with, amongst others, Advocate Israel Goldblatt and African nationalists like Clemens Kapuuo, Levy Nganjone or Zedekia Ngavirue by stating: ‘If Goldblatt is right, and it is an impossibility to build bridges at this stage [in early 1961], the best hope of bringing about a non-racial group inside SWA and avert[ing] a racial clash, is to afford travel and study to some of the young African leaders.
Oshikundu: An indigenous fermented beverage
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Embashu, Werner; Cheikhyoussef, Ahmad; Kahaka, Gladys K.
Oshikundu is a common beverage in Oshana, Omusati, Ohangwena, Oshikoto and Kavango West and East regions of Namibia. As in many parts of Africa, cereal foods and beverages form part of the daily diet in these regions. Cereal beverages, such as oshikundu, undergo fermentation, which is a natural process that has been used for many years as an economical form of food preservation. Fermentation kills harmful microorganisms and prolongs the shelf life of basic foodstuffs; it also enhances the nutritional value and organoleptic quality of them, as it does to their quality and stability. Oshikundu fermentation is dominated by lactic acid bacteria (LAB). The use of LAB offers many advantages, such as increasing food palatability and improving the quality of foods and beverages. Using starter cultures has led to the large-scale production of fermented cereal beverages in many parts of the world. However, the inconsistency of the organoleptic properties of oshikundu remains a challenge in household processing technology. Consumer choice is greatly influenced by the sensory attributes of oshikundu, such as its aroma and taste. Furthermore, the brewing technology depends on backslopping of an unknown starter culture, preventing the successful production of it on a large scale.
School learners’ knowledge and views of traditional medicinal plant use in two regions in Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kasanda, Choshi D.; Kapenda, Hileni M.
Local knowledge about natural resources that may be of use to communities, including medicinal plants, is becoming increasingly important globally. This knowledge is important for the participation of indigenous peoples in the conservation and maintenance of indigenous forests (Gazzaneo, de Lucena, & de Albuquerque, 2005) in addition to the frequent use of these resources in the treatment of common ailments and diseases. Knowledge about the use of local fauna and flora, nowadays, is minimal. To ensure the preservation of indigenous knowledge, this state of affairs needs to be rectified. In fact, Teklehaymanot, Giday, Medhin and Mekonnen (2007, p. 272) note that ‘traditional knowledge is rapidly eroding’, hence, there is real danger that if something is not urgently done, this knowledge might be lost for good. This is due to the fact that often indigenous knowledge is passed on from older to younger generations orally, and is not documented. According to Kambizi and Afolayan (2006), it is essential to make an effort to avoid the loss of this important knowledge in order to conserve medicinal plants, especially in rural communities. There is an increasing advocacy for the integration of indigenous knowledge into mainstream science curricula.

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