University of Namibia Press

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UNAM Press publishes works on topics related to Namibia and the Southern African region, reflecting the strengths of the University and the best scholarship in and on Namibia and the region. Published and forthcoming titles include studies of culture and languages; nation building and democracy; education; law; social and political history; autobiographies; the environment and sustainable development. UNAM Press thus plays a vital role in fulfilling the vision and mission of the University, as defined in its key statements, by disseminating the results of the university’s research across a broad spectrum of real-world problems, in order to contribute to nation-building; serving as a repository for the preservation, development and articulation of national values and culture, through the promotion of Namibian history, art and languages, and becoming a treasure house of knowledge at the service of national development.

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Labour law in Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2012) Parker, Collins
Labour law or employment law – the two terms can be used interchangeably – may be described as that branch of law that is concerned with persons in the employment relationship. Tebutt, JA put it succinctly in this way: ‘Briefly speaking Labour Law is to be understood as the common law of master and servant as expanded and otherwise modified by Industrial Legislation.’1 Put simply, labour law governs the contractual relationship between an employer and an employee. Flowing from that relationship, employers and employees have certain rights, obligations and liabilities under the law. Principles of other branches of law are deeply embedded in labour law. Chief among these are principles of the law of contract, law of delict, criminal law, statute law, administrative law, constitutional law and human rights law. Central to labour law, as already mentioned, is the contractual relationship between an employer and an employee. Therefore, principles of the law of contract are applied to explain the nature and consequences of the employment relationship. The law of delict is also employed to determine the civil liability of employees, employers and third parties in employment situations. Many countries have eschewed penal sanctions in labour relations, although criminal law still plays an important role in labour relations, especially with regard to unlawful strike, lockout, or picket, and the employment of minors. For example, it is an offence under s. 3(6) of the Labour Act 20073 for a person to employ, or require or permit, a child who is under the age of fourteen years to work in any circumstances prohibited by the Act. An employer found guilty of this offence is liable to a fi ne not exceeding N$20,000.00, or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding four years, or to both.
The 1978 election in Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Mashuna, Timoteus
taken place in Namibia since 1989 to elect the President, National Assembly, Regional Councils and Local Authorities. However, it is often forgotten that the first national democratic election in Namibia took place in 1978. Up to this date some elections had taken place for political structures (such as the Legislative Assembly), but the electoral roll had been limited to whites only. A historical analysis is required to consider the reasons why a democratic, national election was held in 1978, and the continuing limitations of the electoral system that led SWAPO, the leading nationalist party, to boycott the election. Sources covering debates of the United Nations (UN) during the 1960s indicate members of the UN were increasingly concerned that progress toward the complete emancipation of many countries and people under colonial status was too slow and should be accelerated. This concern led, for example, to the adoption of a declaration aimed at granting independence to colonial countries in September 1960. Growing international pressure prompted South Africa to rethink her colonial approach in Namibia and hence in 1963, South Africa commissioned the Odendaal Commission of Enquiry to investigate the affairs of Namibia and propose some sort of internal settlement that would prevent the emergence of nationalism so as to maintain South Africa’s upper hand in running the affairs of Namibia (UNIN, 1986, p. 39). However, despite these declarations and many other resolutions passed by the UN in an effort to end colonialism in Namibia and in many other countries of the world, the UN’s intervention only became significant in the 1970s.
Transforming the traumatic life experiences of women in post-apartheid Namibian historical narratives
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Namhila, Ellen N.
This chapter is based on the experience of interviewing five women, and writing and publishing their stories in a book with the title Tears of Courage: Five Mothers, Five Stories, One Victory.1 That book was published with the financial support of the Archives of Anti-Colonial Resistance and the Liberation Struggle (AACRLS) Project. The project was jointly funded by the Federal Republic of Germany and the Government of the Republic of Namibia and administered under the auspices of the National Archives of Namibia. Published in 2009, the book brought out for the first time the hidden and untold sufferings of ordinary village women’s experiences at the hands of the apartheid military, police and prison guards, during the formative years of the liberation struggle. Namibian women played a pivotal role in the struggle against colonialism and apartheid as they fed, clothed, nursed, and acted as a shield for the freedom fighters. The women whose stories are in the book were all arrested by the apartheid police. One was beaten until she had a miscarriage, another imprisoned in Pretoria where she had to give birth in jail, another had her house destroyed and burnt to the ground and her husband killed, another was beaten and tortured when the police could not find her brother (who was on the police’s list of wanted persons), and the last was sentenced to a jail term in Pretoria along with her two brothers. In the epilogue of the book, John Otto Nankudhu, Commander of Omugulugwoombashe, SWAPO’s first military camp inside Namibia, which was attacked by the South African military in August 1966, stated: ‘It is gratifying to see the story of these women written down. They carry a history of our country we cannot afford to lose. I know some of these women very well because it was mainly due to them that we survived in northern Namibia and escaped arrest from the apartheid authority for a long time.’ As Beth Goldblatt and Sheila Meintjies argue, ‘Our society constantly diminishes the women’s role and women themselves then see their experiences as unimportant’ (1996).
The Vagciriku-Lishora massacre of 1894 revisited
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Shiremo, Shampapi
One day in March or April 1894,1 the Vagciriku community of the Kavango Region in Namibia and Cuando-Cubango Province in Angola lost almost all its able-bodied men. This happened after a force of armed BaTawana men on horseback, commanded by Kgosi2 Sekgoma, which had travelled from Botswana, shot in cold-blood all the ablebodied Vagciriku men at a place called Shantjefu.3 Hompa Nyangana of the Vagciriku, his son, Mbambo, women and children were captured and taken into captivity in Ngamiland. The BaTawana army also confiscated all the Vagciriku cattle, guns and horses as booty. Compared with colonial massacres in Namibian historiography such as the Hornkranz Massacre of 1893, the Old Location Massacre of 1959 or the Cassinga Massacre of 1978, the Lishora Massacre of 1894 is relatively unknown. The small body of literature about the Lishora Massacre of 1894 is generally one sided and situated outside the ‘colonial narrative’. In Vagciriku oral history, Hompa Nyangana’s despotism is usually blamed for the Lishora Massacre of 1894 as it is described as being a response to the conflict between Hompa Nyangana and the section of the Vashambyu led by Hompaghona (Prince) Kanyetu. Hompa Nyangana is sometimes remembered as an authoritarian leader who used violence to settle scores with his rivals. The view that Hompa Nyangana played a direct role in the Lishora massacre has never been critically questioned, because the existing secondary literature and oral narratives ignored the primary and archival sources kept in Botswana’s National Archives.
Hendrik Witbooi and Samuel Maharero: The Ambiguity of Heroes
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Hillebrecht, Werner
Hendrik Witbooi and Samuel Maharero are two familiar icons. Both of these portraits were probably taken in the same style, but on different occasions, by the Windhoek photographer Lange. Both men started their careers as leaders in a controversial way, Hendrik by rebelling against his father, Kaptein Moses Witbooi; Samuel by succeeding his father Maharero in violation of traditional succession rules. Both led their people in the struggle against German colonial rule. Witbooi died from a German bullet in 1905. He was buried in a secret, forgotten grave near Vaalgras, which has not been rediscovered. Maharero died in exile in Bechuanaland in 1923, eight years after German rule ended, and seventeen years after he had left; indeed he only returned to Namibia for his reburial in Okahandja. Both are remembered to this day by their respective communities in an annual commemoration, and both had a history of fighting against each other, and side by side, both for the Germans, and against the Germans. This chapter focuses on Hendrik Witbooi, as it is mainly based on research of his correspondence, but Samuel Maharero also appears again and again, as their stories are inextricably linked. The chapter should not be understood as an attempt to tear down monuments. In any case, although he deserves a monument, Witbooi does not have one, just an empty grave at Heroes Acre, Windhoek, and a memorial stone in Gibeon. In my personal opinion, Hendrik Witbooi is a hero for a number of reasons, and that he died from a German bullet is but the least of them. But this chapter is a reminder of the complexity of history and that ‘heroes’ are rarely as flawless as popular versions of history would like to portray. Contemporary images of cartoon and ‘Hollywood Heroes’ create expectations that run the risk of obscuring histories that contain different and discordant perspectives.
Indigenous knowledge of Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Chinsembu, Kazhila C.; Cheikhyoussef, Ahmad; Mumbengegwi, Davis R.; Kandawa-Schulz, M.; Kasanda, Choshi D.; Kazembe, Lawrence N.
Why this book, Indigenous Knowledge of Namibia? Nowadays, indigenous knowledge has gained prominence and attracted public interest due to its numerous applications in science and innovation: biotechnology, health, bioprospecting, pharmaceuticals, medicinal plants, agriculture, food preparation, mathematics, natural resource management, climate change and astronomy. There are many niche players in the field of indigenous knowledge in Namibia and many studies being carried out. Thus, although not all aspects of Namibia's indigenous knowledge are covered in this book, most readers from various walks of life - laypersons, scholars and policy makers - will find this book a very useful companion. The content of this book serves as a good starting point, because 'we cannot go further into the future without looking deeper into the past' (anonymous). Through their laboratory and scientific studies, the authors of this book server as guides through the journey to discover and record the indigenous knowledge of Namibia society. More importantly, their individual and collective works endevour to add value to Namibia's indigenous knowledge. The voyage and value addition are aimed at bringing greater clarity to some of the most perplexing aspects of indigenous knowledge in Namibia. Authors are aware of local communities need to benefit from their indigenous knowledge. That being said, the aim of this book is not to appropriate the indigenous knowledge of local communities, as most indigenous knowledge is already in the public domain.
Solidarity with liberation in Namibia: An analytical eyewitness account from a West German perspective
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kossler, Reinhart
When asked for an eyewitness account, one’s own personal experience takes centre stage. In addition to drawing on that experience, I have carried out scholarly studies on the solidarity movement, particularly in relation to Southern Africa.1 It is a different task to reflect on my own involvement. I had been active in the student movement, in the movement against the war in Vietnam, and similar work for some years, before Southern Africa became the focus of my attention. I remember being part of a campaign in Heidelberg in 1968, aimed at alerting people to the colonial wars in what were then the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau. That was my first stint of solidarity work with national liberation movements in Southern Africa. In 1979, after completing my PhD, I got my first job as Executive Secretary of the Informationsstelle Südliches Afrika (Information Service Southern Africa) in Bonn, popularly known as ISSA.2 That catapulted me into intense work in ‘counterinformation’, writing articles for a monthly magazine and publishing solidarity literature, all efforts devoted to making the West German public aware of the reality of apartheid and colonialism, to propagating the aims of the national liberation struggles and the overwhelming case for majority rule, and to helping activists in the local chapters of a whole range of organisations to strengthen their hand when they had to argue their case during public events, as well as in everyday life. The move turned out to be much more decisive than I had thought when I started the job.
Understanding indigenous coping strategies of the Basubiya on the flooded plains of the Zambezi River
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Mbukusa, Nchindo R.
The Basubiya – or Bekuhane as they are also known – are often described as a riverine group of people (BNA, n.d.; Gibbons, 1904; Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1911; Shamukuni, 1972; Mainga, 1973; Mubitana, 1975; Tlou & Campbell, 1984; Likando, 1989; Masule, 1995; Larson, 2001; Gumbo, 2002; Ramsay, 2002; Manning, 2011; Ndana, 2011; Mabuta, Masule, & Tembwe, 2013). It is no wonder that Chief Kisco Liswani III warned that they would rather perish in the water than find themselves wandering in the drier areas away from the rivers and all that they would offer them. The Basubiya of the flooded plains of the Zambezi Region liken themselves to hippos and other amphibious animals. They feel that staying away from river waters ‘deculturalizes’ them. It is difficult to imagine the Basubiya outside this environment (Shamukuni, 1972; Masule, 1995; Gumbo, 2002; Samunzala, 2003; Ndana, 2011). In the face of possible relocation at times when water volumes increase, they might remark rhetorically, ‘ho zwisa inswi mu meenzi mpohonachi ihala?’ – ‘If you take a fish out of water, can it survive?’ From history immemorial, the Bekuhane (used interchangeably with Basubiya in this chapter) have lived along the Upper Zambezi River and its Chobe–Linyanti tributaries in southern Africa.
Of storying and storing: ‘Reading’ Lichtenecker’s voice recordings
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Hoffman, A.
With the invention of the phonograph – or sound/voice writer – by Thomas Alva Edison in 1877, the human voice could become an object. What so far had been the elusive, ephemeral effect of sound waves could be captured and stored on Edison wax cylinders. As an object the voice could at once be separated from its source and social setting, become transportable, but also indexical to its absent referent. The phonograph, writes Erika Brady, ‘was distinctively the product of 19th century scientific and social preoccupations’ (1999, p. 11) of which the collecting of (exotic) objects was certainly one. The voice, conserved on wax cylinders, could become part of ‘accumulative, itemcentered, indexic’ collections that were treasured by museums, academic institutions, as well as medical collections (1999, p. 14). The new technology of voice-recording was almost immediately introduced to the study of folklore and to anthropology. Shortly after the recording of voice had become possible, its storage was institutionalised. In Berlin the Phonogramm-Archiv was founded in 1900. Erich von Hornbostel, the Director of the Archive between 1905 and 1933, saw the aim of the archive as creating a collection of musical phonograms of all peoples of the world. The recordings were thought to provide comparative material of modes of expression – both in language and in music – that were deemed key to the cultural character of peoples.1 Today the Phonogramm-Archiv in Berlin is one of several archives in Europe that host immense historical sound and voice collections from many formerly colonised countries.2 To ensure the accumulation of such a comprehensive collection, it was the strategy of the archive to equip German researchers and travellers with a phonograph and wax cylinders. The German artist Hans Lichtenecker was one of them.
Oshikundu: An indigenous fermented beverage
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Embashu, Werner; Cheikhyoussef, Ahmad; Kahaka, Gladys K.
Oshikundu is a common beverage in Oshana, Omusati, Ohangwena, Oshikoto and Kavango West and East regions of Namibia. As in many parts of Africa, cereal foods and beverages form part of the daily diet in these regions. Cereal beverages, such as oshikundu, undergo fermentation, which is a natural process that has been used for many years as an economical form of food preservation. Fermentation kills harmful microorganisms and prolongs the shelf life of basic foodstuffs; it also enhances the nutritional value and organoleptic quality of them, as it does to their quality and stability. Oshikundu fermentation is dominated by lactic acid bacteria (LAB). The use of LAB offers many advantages, such as increasing food palatability and improving the quality of foods and beverages. Using starter cultures has led to the large-scale production of fermented cereal beverages in many parts of the world. However, the inconsistency of the organoleptic properties of oshikundu remains a challenge in household processing technology. Consumer choice is greatly influenced by the sensory attributes of oshikundu, such as its aroma and taste. Furthermore, the brewing technology depends on backslopping of an unknown starter culture, preventing the successful production of it on a large scale.
The gendered politics of the SWAPO camps during the Namibian liberation struggle
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Akawa, Martha
This chapter looks at the sexual politics of the SWAPO camps (civilian and military) in Angola and Zambia.1 Its purpose is to explore issues around allegations of sexual abuse and unwelcome sexual advances, and issues of sexuality, against the backdrop of SWAPO’s policy on gender equality. Did these allegations undermine the goals and objectives of the leadership, particularly the women’s leadership that had gender equality and women’s emancipation as one of its main goals? The chapter will also seek to question whether a rhetorical commitment to equality was translated into practical equality in terms of the political structures and socio-economic power relationships in the camps. SWAPO made a clear and a firm ideological commitment in publications and speeches that, in the liberation struggle, women were equal to men and that equality between men and women was a central principle of the party. Iina Soiri has argued that the rhetoric of sexual emancipation became more pronounced from the mid-1970s because of a combination of factors. The United Nations announced that the International Decade for Women would take place between 1975 and 1985 and, in 1976, SWAPO adopted a more radical ‘Political Programme’ based on the principles of ‘scientific socialism’ (Soiri, 1996, pp. 67, 85).
Colonial monuments in a post-colonial era: A case study of the Equestrian monument
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Elago, Helvi I.
Colonial monuments litter the Namibian landscape, but a shallow reading of their significance fails to recognise the layers of meaning that have attached to these landmarks over the passage of time. The issue that we need to explore is what happens to the monuments, memorials, museums and other sites representing the previous regime’s core values and memories when a new regime, based on very different values, comes to power? When the ruling government changes, the state is faced with basic decisions concerning the past and what to do with the inherited ‘public history’ such as the monuments, memorials, museums and other symbols of power of the previous regime. In some African countries, like Angola, Kenya, Malawi and Angola, heritage sites and objects from the past regime were removed and destroyed as a way of breaking away from the past (Kriger, 1995, p. 141; Marschall, 2008, p. 350; Salvador and Rodrigues, 2012, p. 423). But is this the right way of dealing with a painful past? In Namibia and South Africa there has been little removal or destruction of colonial heritage. Instead, as an alternative for changing the symbolic inherited landscape, the governments have created new sites commemorating previously ignored events and heroes in the struggle to end apartheid, e.g. Heroes Acre in Windhoek, Namibia, and Freedom Park in Pretoria, South Africa. In fact, the Equestrian monument that used to stand next to the Alte Feste located in Windhoek, which was moved in 2009 and ‘removed’ in 2013 is the only colonial monument to date to have been changed since independence. The new Namibian regime has emphasised the importance of teaching the new generation about history and seems to have recognised the value of having tangible commemorative sites such as monuments and memorials.
Namibian leafy vegetables: From traditional to scientific knowledge, current status and applications
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Mushabati, Lameck F.; Kahaka, Gladys K.; Cheikhyoussef, Ahmad
For centuries, our forefathers traditionally used vegetables that grow naturally in the wild. Many enjoyed a relish prepared with traditional vegetables. Moreover, they used these vegetables to treat a number of ailments. This is our African heritage - our Namibian leafy vegetables. These vegetables fall under a broad category that has come to be termed as leafy vegetables (LVs) or African leafy vegetables (ALVs). In this chapter, all Namibia leafy vegetables will be referred to as ALVs and NLVs interchangeably.
Messages given to adolescents and young adults during initiation ceremonies and their relation to HIV/AIDS
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Haihambo, Cynthy K.
According to Namibia’s national population census, the total population of the country stood at 2,113,077 people distributed over its 14 political regions (NSA, 2014). Of this, 43.1% of the population inhabited urban areas, and 56.9% lived in rural areas. The average household size in Namibia is 4.4. The population under the age of 15 stands at 760,707 (36%) while the population aged 15 years and above is 1,352,369 (64%). The employed population, which includes part-time and seasonal employment, stands at 690,019 (70.4%) and the total population that is unemployed is 290,762 (29.6%) (NSA, 2014). Human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) is regarded as one of the biggest threats to economic development in sub-Saharan Africa. HIV is acquired through the transmission of bodily fluids such as blood, vaginal fluids and semen. It is mostly contracted through sex (both heteroand homosexual) that involves the exchange of bodily fluids between individuals. Once it has entered the body, it compromises the individual’s immune system and weakens the body’s ability to fight diseases. In its most advanced stage, it develops from a viral infection to a disease that can lead to disability and death. Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest HIV prevalence, globally, and is termed the worst affected region and is widely regarded as the ‘epicentre’ of the global HIV epidemic.
School learners’ knowledge and views of traditional medicinal plant use in two regions in Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kasanda, Choshi D.; Kapenda, Hileni M.
Local knowledge about natural resources that may be of use to communities, including medicinal plants, is becoming increasingly important globally. This knowledge is important for the participation of indigenous peoples in the conservation and maintenance of indigenous forests (Gazzaneo, de Lucena, & de Albuquerque, 2005) in addition to the frequent use of these resources in the treatment of common ailments and diseases. Knowledge about the use of local fauna and flora, nowadays, is minimal. To ensure the preservation of indigenous knowledge, this state of affairs needs to be rectified. In fact, Teklehaymanot, Giday, Medhin and Mekonnen (2007, p. 272) note that ‘traditional knowledge is rapidly eroding’, hence, there is real danger that if something is not urgently done, this knowledge might be lost for good. This is due to the fact that often indigenous knowledge is passed on from older to younger generations orally, and is not documented. According to Kambizi and Afolayan (2006), it is essential to make an effort to avoid the loss of this important knowledge in order to conserve medicinal plants, especially in rural communities. There is an increasing advocacy for the integration of indigenous knowledge into mainstream science curricula.
Indigenous knowledge used in the management of human–wildlife conflict along the borders of the Etosha National Park
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Lendelvo, Selma M.; Angula, Margaret; Mfune, John K.
Humans and wildlife in Africa have coexisted for millennia, but conflicts between them have become common phenomena (Shemwetta & Kideghesho, 2000). Worldwide, borders between humans and wild spaces have become blurred, particularly those surrounding protected areas. As a result, wildlife frequently moves out of protected areas and enters nearby human settlements (Ogra, 2008). In addition, the frequency of human–wildlife conflicts (HWCs) in these areas has grown in recent decades, largely because of the increase in human population, the expansion of human activities and changes in wildlife management systems (Graham, Beckerman, & Thirgood, 2005). In this chapter, we describe how commercial and communal farmers who live along the borders of Etosha National Park (ENP) use their indigenous knowledge in dealing with HWC. We interviewed 48 farmers from cattle posts in the communal areas north of ENP and 51 commercial farmers on private land south of ENP through a semi-structured questionnaire. The majority of farmers indicated that they have techniques and strategies to protect their livestock, crops, families and property from being harmed by problem wildlife. Understanding the indigenous knowledge that farmers have to deal with HWC is important for improving wildlife management systems in Namibia.
To integrate or not: Exploring the prospects and challenges of integrating indigenous knowledge at the University of Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Chinsembu, Grace M.; Hamunyela, Miriam N.
Namibia has a population of about 2.1 million people of which 87.5% belong to one of nine main indigenous ethnic groups: Aawambo (50.0%), vaKavango (9.0%), Ovaherero (7.0%), Damara (7.0%), Nama (5.0%), Lozi (4.0%), San (3.0%), Baster (2.0%) and Tswana (0.5%) (UNDP, 2000). In Namibia, ethnic identity is stronger than national identity, with 75% of Namibians feeling much stronger ties to people of their own ethnic group than to fellow compatriots of other ethnic groups (Shaw- Taylor, 2008). Undoubtedly, a lot of indigenous knowledge is embedded within these strong ethnic and cultural precincts. Over the past two decades, many Namibian policy makers and knowledge workers have begun to realize the importance of indigenous knowledge in the country’s development process. In 2011, the Polytechnic of Namibia hosted a three-day conference on the technology of indigenous knowledge under the theme, ‘Embracing indigenous knowledge systems into a new technology design paradigm’. During this conference, Namibians were urged to nurture the knowledge of their ancestors and ensure that it is protected and preserved. At the University of Namibia (UNAM), the Multidisciplinary Research Centre (MRC) conducts annual indigenous knowledge symposia. The MRC also has a research programme on indigenous knowledge systems (IKS), which is funded by the Ministry of Education (ME). Nowadays, more plans are being devoted to the documentation of indigenous knowledge before it disappears.
Liberals and non-racism in Namibia’s settler society? Advocate Israel Goldblatt’s engagement with Namibian nationalists in the 1960s
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Henrichsen, Dag
Namibia’s settler society has a very weak, indeed almost non-existent tradition of advocacy of non-racism. Up to the early 1970s, none of the settlers’ political parties postulated principles of non-racism – that is individually based citizenship and democratic rights as well as legal, economic and social opportunities irrespective of apartheid’s racial designations and ascriptions. This is in contrast, for example, to political parties in ‘white’ South Africa or Zimbabwe (See Hancock, 1980; Marks, 1995; Rich, 1984; Vigne, 1997).2 South African visitors to Windhoek in the early 1960s, whether Ruth First, the radical left-wing journalist and writer or the Vice-President of the South African Liberal Party, Randolph Vigne, were either appalled or expressed grave disillusionment with respect to the prospect of any European non-racial political activity in this South African colony. Ruth First stated in 1963: ‘It remains a frightening fact that not a single white political leader in South West Africa has ever advocated a non-racial democracy’ (1963, p. 54). Two years earlier, Randolph Vigne had summed up his talks in Windhoek with, amongst others, Advocate Israel Goldblatt and African nationalists like Clemens Kapuuo, Levy Nganjone or Zedekia Ngavirue by stating: ‘If Goldblatt is right, and it is an impossibility to build bridges at this stage [in early 1961], the best hope of bringing about a non-racial group inside SWA and avert[ing] a racial clash, is to afford travel and study to some of the young African leaders.
Reclaiming indigenous knowledge in Namibia’s post-colonial curriculum: The case of the Mafwe people
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Lilemba, John M.; Matemba, Yonah H.
In Namibia, as is the case in the rest of Africa, different versions of an indigenous knowledge-based education, mainly through the formal setting of traditional initiation schools, was an integral part of community life (Amukugo, 1993; Ray, 1999). The initiation school, of which attendance was compulsory, was a system of formal education with parallels to Western forms of education. For example, initiation schools had a standardized curriculum, set times of instruction, specified age of children for instruction, assessment strategies, use of ‘qualified’ instructors (experienced village elders) and formal arrangements to recognize and celebrate those who successfully completed the education (Matemba, 2010). The curriculum offered included teaching the neophytes on ‘proper’ use of language, survival skills, customs, values, marriage, parenting, religion, respect for others, etc. (Mbiti, 1999; Amanze, 2002). As numerous studies have shown, the arrival of missionaries and colonial political powers in Africa from the mid-1800s onwards and their attitudes towards African cultural institutions impacted negatively on the viability of the African indigenous system of education, which was condemned as barbaric, heathen and an impediment to the consolidation of Christianity and Western culture on the continent (Abernethy, 1969; McCracken, 1977; Nduka, 1980; Ball, 1983; Comaroff & Comaroff, 1986)
Namibia and Germany negotiating the past
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kossler, Reinhart
Ever since Namibia attained Independence in 1990,, her relations with Germany have been marked by intensity, close cooperation and heated debate. The latter revolves largely around the 30 year period from 1884 up to 1915, when today’s Namibia was known as the colony of German South West Africa. For the last decade, an asymmetrical debate on colonial mass crime has been a prominent feature of memory politics. In this debate, the first genocide of the 20th Century, committed by German colonial troops during the Namibian War of 1903–081, forms the central axis. The debate about the genocide and the consequences of German colonialism is asymmetrical in various ways. First, it relates to the colonial relationship of violence and domination and to a racist ideology that denied acknowledgement of true humanness to the colonised – an ideological prerequisite for denying them the right to exist and for pursuing exterminatory measures against them. Asymmetry also prevails in the underlying power relations in the present. The means available to the descendants of the genocide victims to give voice to their cause are seriously inferior to the possibilities open to the German Government simply to ignore the victims or deal superficially with their demands. Namibia musters much less attention within the German public sphere than issues relating to Germany receive in the Namibian media. The issue is confounded further by the presence of a small, but economically powerful and vociferous community of German speakers in Namibia.

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