University of Namibia Press

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UNAM Press publishes works on topics related to Namibia and the Southern African region, reflecting the strengths of the University and the best scholarship in and on Namibia and the region. Published and forthcoming titles include studies of culture and languages; nation building and democracy; education; law; social and political history; autobiographies; the environment and sustainable development. UNAM Press thus plays a vital role in fulfilling the vision and mission of the University, as defined in its key statements, by disseminating the results of the university’s research across a broad spectrum of real-world problems, in order to contribute to nation-building; serving as a repository for the preservation, development and articulation of national values and culture, through the promotion of Namibian history, art and languages, and becoming a treasure house of knowledge at the service of national development.

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Labour law in Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2012) Parker, Collins
Labour law or employment law – the two terms can be used interchangeably – may be described as that branch of law that is concerned with persons in the employment relationship. Tebutt, JA put it succinctly in this way: ‘Briefly speaking Labour Law is to be understood as the common law of master and servant as expanded and otherwise modified by Industrial Legislation.’1 Put simply, labour law governs the contractual relationship between an employer and an employee. Flowing from that relationship, employers and employees have certain rights, obligations and liabilities under the law. Principles of other branches of law are deeply embedded in labour law. Chief among these are principles of the law of contract, law of delict, criminal law, statute law, administrative law, constitutional law and human rights law. Central to labour law, as already mentioned, is the contractual relationship between an employer and an employee. Therefore, principles of the law of contract are applied to explain the nature and consequences of the employment relationship. The law of delict is also employed to determine the civil liability of employees, employers and third parties in employment situations. Many countries have eschewed penal sanctions in labour relations, although criminal law still plays an important role in labour relations, especially with regard to unlawful strike, lockout, or picket, and the employment of minors. For example, it is an offence under s. 3(6) of the Labour Act 20073 for a person to employ, or require or permit, a child who is under the age of fourteen years to work in any circumstances prohibited by the Act. An employer found guilty of this offence is liable to a fi ne not exceeding N$20,000.00, or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding four years, or to both.
Liberals and non-racism in Namibia’s settler society? Advocate Israel Goldblatt’s engagement with Namibian nationalists in the 1960s
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Henrichsen, Dag
Namibia’s settler society has a very weak, indeed almost non-existent tradition of advocacy of non-racism. Up to the early 1970s, none of the settlers’ political parties postulated principles of non-racism – that is individually based citizenship and democratic rights as well as legal, economic and social opportunities irrespective of apartheid’s racial designations and ascriptions. This is in contrast, for example, to political parties in ‘white’ South Africa or Zimbabwe (See Hancock, 1980; Marks, 1995; Rich, 1984; Vigne, 1997).2 South African visitors to Windhoek in the early 1960s, whether Ruth First, the radical left-wing journalist and writer or the Vice-President of the South African Liberal Party, Randolph Vigne, were either appalled or expressed grave disillusionment with respect to the prospect of any European non-racial political activity in this South African colony. Ruth First stated in 1963: ‘It remains a frightening fact that not a single white political leader in South West Africa has ever advocated a non-racial democracy’ (1963, p. 54). Two years earlier, Randolph Vigne had summed up his talks in Windhoek with, amongst others, Advocate Israel Goldblatt and African nationalists like Clemens Kapuuo, Levy Nganjone or Zedekia Ngavirue by stating: ‘If Goldblatt is right, and it is an impossibility to build bridges at this stage [in early 1961], the best hope of bringing about a non-racial group inside SWA and avert[ing] a racial clash, is to afford travel and study to some of the young African leaders.
Of storying and storing: ‘Reading’ Lichtenecker’s voice recordings
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Hoffman, A.
With the invention of the phonograph – or sound/voice writer – by Thomas Alva Edison in 1877, the human voice could become an object. What so far had been the elusive, ephemeral effect of sound waves could be captured and stored on Edison wax cylinders. As an object the voice could at once be separated from its source and social setting, become transportable, but also indexical to its absent referent. The phonograph, writes Erika Brady, ‘was distinctively the product of 19th century scientific and social preoccupations’ (1999, p. 11) of which the collecting of (exotic) objects was certainly one. The voice, conserved on wax cylinders, could become part of ‘accumulative, itemcentered, indexic’ collections that were treasured by museums, academic institutions, as well as medical collections (1999, p. 14). The new technology of voice-recording was almost immediately introduced to the study of folklore and to anthropology. Shortly after the recording of voice had become possible, its storage was institutionalised. In Berlin the Phonogramm-Archiv was founded in 1900. Erich von Hornbostel, the Director of the Archive between 1905 and 1933, saw the aim of the archive as creating a collection of musical phonograms of all peoples of the world. The recordings were thought to provide comparative material of modes of expression – both in language and in music – that were deemed key to the cultural character of peoples.1 Today the Phonogramm-Archiv in Berlin is one of several archives in Europe that host immense historical sound and voice collections from many formerly colonised countries.2 To ensure the accumulation of such a comprehensive collection, it was the strategy of the archive to equip German researchers and travellers with a phonograph and wax cylinders. The German artist Hans Lichtenecker was one of them.
Oshikundu: An indigenous fermented beverage
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Embashu, Werner; Cheikhyoussef, Ahmad; Kahaka, Gladys K.
Oshikundu is a common beverage in Oshana, Omusati, Ohangwena, Oshikoto and Kavango West and East regions of Namibia. As in many parts of Africa, cereal foods and beverages form part of the daily diet in these regions. Cereal beverages, such as oshikundu, undergo fermentation, which is a natural process that has been used for many years as an economical form of food preservation. Fermentation kills harmful microorganisms and prolongs the shelf life of basic foodstuffs; it also enhances the nutritional value and organoleptic quality of them, as it does to their quality and stability. Oshikundu fermentation is dominated by lactic acid bacteria (LAB). The use of LAB offers many advantages, such as increasing food palatability and improving the quality of foods and beverages. Using starter cultures has led to the large-scale production of fermented cereal beverages in many parts of the world. However, the inconsistency of the organoleptic properties of oshikundu remains a challenge in household processing technology. Consumer choice is greatly influenced by the sensory attributes of oshikundu, such as its aroma and taste. Furthermore, the brewing technology depends on backslopping of an unknown starter culture, preventing the successful production of it on a large scale.
Colonialism and the development of the contract labour system in Kavango
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Likuwa, Kletus M.
The contract labour system in Namibia was a colonial invention and needs to be explored in the context of colonial historiography. Many scholars have written on the contract labour system in Namibia. However, while there is a general understanding of the system, the Kavango as a supplier of contract labour is neglected, as the historiography has largely focused on the supply of labour from the region that was labelled ‘Ovamboland’ (Clarence-Smith and Moorsom, 1977; Cronje and Cronje, 1979; Hishongwa, 1992; Kane Berman, 1972; McKittrick, 1998; Moorsom, 1989; Cooper, 2001). However, the area known today as the regions of Kavango East and Kavango West has a significant role in the history of migrant labour in Namibia and there is an opportunity to reassess the system using a different regional context. Although labour recruitment in the Kavango had been on-going prior to 1925, it was unorganised with limited numbers of recruits collected by colonial officials, and it was only after 1925 that the South African administration finally managed to formalise labour recruitment. The formalisation of the contract labour system in the Kavango occurred with the formation of the Northern Labour Organisation (NLO) and Southern Labour Organisation (SLO) in 1925. These were later amalgamated into the South West Africa Native Labour Association (SWANLA) which recruited labourers from the Kavango and Ovambo in the early 1940s until the collapse of the contract labour system in 1972. Using qualitative research methods to gather and analyse data, this paper employs oral interviews, archival and written sources to explain the encounters of the Kavango population with colonialism and asks why both German (1885-1915) and South African (1915-1989) colonial authorities needed labourers from Kavango, and what strategies the colonial administration used to extract labour.
Hendrik Witbooi and Samuel Maharero: The Ambiguity of Heroes
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Hillebrecht, Werner
Hendrik Witbooi and Samuel Maharero are two familiar icons. Both of these portraits were probably taken in the same style, but on different occasions, by the Windhoek photographer Lange. Both men started their careers as leaders in a controversial way, Hendrik by rebelling against his father, Kaptein Moses Witbooi; Samuel by succeeding his father Maharero in violation of traditional succession rules. Both led their people in the struggle against German colonial rule. Witbooi died from a German bullet in 1905. He was buried in a secret, forgotten grave near Vaalgras, which has not been rediscovered. Maharero died in exile in Bechuanaland in 1923, eight years after German rule ended, and seventeen years after he had left; indeed he only returned to Namibia for his reburial in Okahandja. Both are remembered to this day by their respective communities in an annual commemoration, and both had a history of fighting against each other, and side by side, both for the Germans, and against the Germans. This chapter focuses on Hendrik Witbooi, as it is mainly based on research of his correspondence, but Samuel Maharero also appears again and again, as their stories are inextricably linked. The chapter should not be understood as an attempt to tear down monuments. In any case, although he deserves a monument, Witbooi does not have one, just an empty grave at Heroes Acre, Windhoek, and a memorial stone in Gibeon. In my personal opinion, Hendrik Witbooi is a hero for a number of reasons, and that he died from a German bullet is but the least of them. But this chapter is a reminder of the complexity of history and that ‘heroes’ are rarely as flawless as popular versions of history would like to portray. Contemporary images of cartoon and ‘Hollywood Heroes’ create expectations that run the risk of obscuring histories that contain different and discordant perspectives.
Developmental issues facing the San people of Namibia: Road to de-marginalization in formal education
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Brown, Anthony; Haihambo, Cynthy K.
INTRODUCTION: As for other indigenous people in the world, the living standards of the San in Namibia have drawn attention as they have been viewed as contravening basic human rights. Since its independence from apartheid South Africa, the Namibian Government, as a member of the United Nations (UN), has embarked upon various projects and interventions in order to secure the rights of their indigenous communities, including those of the San. One of the most progressive conventions of the UN, the Salamanca Statement of 1994 on inclusive education (UNESCO, 1994), promulgates that schooling should cater for all children regardless of their differences or difficulties and serves as a driver towards such efforts. It is worth noting that this global educational transformation came at a time when Namibia was in its fourth year of independence from apartheid South Africa, and was attempting to deconstruct and redress the fragmented education system that it had inherited. It was an education that separated learners depending on their race, gender, ethnicity and language, and if they had a disability (MEC, 1993). It is through this historical backdrop that the San face current challenges as agents in an inclusive space. The educational experiences of indigenous San children in Namibia reflect discrimination, isolation and a compromised quality of education, and their identity and their indigenous knowledge is not fully embraced in the broader education system. As a result many of them fall through the safety net of this all-embracing educational philosophy. It is for this reason that San children have become a heightened concern and responsibility for the education authority in Namibia.
Harvesting and consumption of the giant African bullfrog, a delicacy in northern Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Okeyo, Daniel O.; Kandjengo, Lineekela; Kashea, Martha M.
Namibia covers an area of approximately 800,000 square kilometres and has a human population of about 2.1 million. This gives an average density of about 2.6 people per square kilometre. Most of the people of Namibia belong to one of five main ethnic groups of African origin: the Aawambo, Ovaherero, Kavango, Caprivian, and Damara and Nama peoples. The diet of ethnic Namibians comprises a variety of foods such as millet, sorghum, maize, sweet potatoes, groundnuts and fruits. Millet and maize are staple foods. Fruits are mainly wild and indigenous. Staple foods in northern Namibia are generally accompanied with indigenous vegetables, beef, lamb, mutton or fish. Giant African bullfrogs – locally known as efuma (sing.) or omafuma (pl.) – form a delicacy, especially during the rainy season (Figure 10.1). The Aawambo are not alone in appreciating these frogs (Pyxicephalus adspersus) as a delicacy. Reports exist of others also eating it within Namibia as well as elsewhere in southern Africa. For example, the Nsenga people in the eastern Luangwa Valley (Eastern Province, Zambia) also consume whole bullfrogs, which they locally call kanyama kaliye fupa – the animal without bones. The giant African bullfrog is distributed widely throughout southern and eastern Africa (Figure 10.2) and found in areas of Namibia, Angola, Botswana, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Mozambique, Malawi, Tanzania and Kenya (Channing, 1991; Conradie, Branch, Braack, & Manson, 2010; IUCN, 2011). It is reported to occur in the central and northern areas of Namibia (Channing 1991; Griffin, 1997) and is found in considerable numbers on the northern plains, especially during the early rain season.
Finnish solidarity with the liberation struggle of Namibia: A documentation project
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Peltola, Pekka
Namibia’s independence was won primarily by the efforts of Namibians themselves. Acknowledging this, it is also important to remember that the liberation struggle of Namibians took place outside its borders as well: it started in Cape Town, spread to the United Nations in New York, established itself in Tanzania, then in Zambia and Angola. The diplomatic, political and armed struggle led by SWAPO could be fought only with the material, political, and other support given by many governments and nongovernmental organisations. Thousands of people dedicated themselves to supporting the fight against apartheid and for a free and independent Namibia. In order to write a comprehensive history of the struggle, a rich database documenting the mainly selfless efforts rendered by solidarity activists in other countries is necessary. For this reason Finland has contributed by collecting documentary evidence of the work done in Finland or by Finns for the struggle and, therefore, the initiative of the Archives of Anti-Colonial Resistance and the Liberation Struggle (AACRLS) project was welcomed in Finland, where a committee was formally established for that purpose in 2004 as a part of the Namibian effort to save this history.
School learners’ knowledge and views of traditional medicinal plant use in two regions in Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kasanda, Choshi D.; Kapenda, Hileni M.
Local knowledge about natural resources that may be of use to communities, including medicinal plants, is becoming increasingly important globally. This knowledge is important for the participation of indigenous peoples in the conservation and maintenance of indigenous forests (Gazzaneo, de Lucena, & de Albuquerque, 2005) in addition to the frequent use of these resources in the treatment of common ailments and diseases. Knowledge about the use of local fauna and flora, nowadays, is minimal. To ensure the preservation of indigenous knowledge, this state of affairs needs to be rectified. In fact, Teklehaymanot, Giday, Medhin and Mekonnen (2007, p. 272) note that ‘traditional knowledge is rapidly eroding’, hence, there is real danger that if something is not urgently done, this knowledge might be lost for good. This is due to the fact that often indigenous knowledge is passed on from older to younger generations orally, and is not documented. According to Kambizi and Afolayan (2006), it is essential to make an effort to avoid the loss of this important knowledge in order to conserve medicinal plants, especially in rural communities. There is an increasing advocacy for the integration of indigenous knowledge into mainstream science curricula.
Indigenous knowledge and antimicrobial properties of plants used in ethnoveterinary medicine
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Chinsembu, Kazhila C.
The use of chemical pesticides and pharmaceutical drugs to manage livestock pests and diseases is anathema to the environment and leads to the development of resistance. Most resource-poor farmers also face problems, such as inaccessibility, unaffordability and inappropriate use of chemical pesticides and drugs. Faced with these constraints, livestock farmers in Namibia and other African countries turn to indigenous knowledge as an alternative option and as a key to unlock the power of plants to control various vectors and diseases of livestock. Utilization of plant extracts as ethnoveterinary medicines (EVMs) is perhaps one of the most sustainable methods readily adaptable to rural livestock-farming communities. Plants identified as herbal remedies in the management of livestock diseases, especially those with antimicrobial and antiparasitic properties, present considerable potential for further scientific research which may lead to the discovery of new and safer drugs. Although many rural communal farmers use plants to treat livestock diseases, the current status of information on the use of plants in EVM Namibia, and the biological activities and toxicities of this flora, is still inadequate. For example, a complete systematic ethnobotanical list has not yet been compiled, creating an urgent need to record EVM knowledge in Namibia.
Revolutionary songs as a response to colonialism in Namibia
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Mbenzi, Petrus A.
Traditional songs in Africa were often used as a weapon against indiscipline in a society (Finnegan, 1970). Transgressors were ridiculed and shamed through singing when boys and girls met for social dancing in an open space (which usually took place in the evening) and vulgar language was hurled against the offender. Misdemeanours and the shameful acts of certain people were also criticized through action songs. On these occasions, the names of ‘alleged’ offenders were mentioned as well as the offences they had committed. These songs were also performed when people did teamwork for threshing, weeding and so forth. During the struggle for independence, the same strategy was applied. Ruth Finnegan (1970, p. 273) argues that it would be a mistake to assume too easily that there is necessarily a complete break in continuity between traditional political poetry and that of modern politics. Songs were used to sensitise the oppressed to their plight and to expose the iniquities of the old regime. The proponents and protagonists of the apartheid system were criticised and Namibians were encouraged to resist oppressive laws. To boost their morale and demonstrate their indefatigable quest for emancipation from the yoke of colonialism, the People’s Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN) fighters composed various revolutionary songs. With the attainment of independence, the popularity of these songs has dwindled. They are sung on rare occasions and it is feared that some songs may vanish with time if they are not properly recorded and documented to ensure their survival. As a result the historical events inherent in these songs may drift into obscurity. This chapter investigates the functions of revolutionary songs in the Namibian independence struggle and identifies their most important themes. The main aims of the chapter are to highlight the historical value of the songs and gauge their significance during the colonial era.
The gendered politics of the SWAPO camps during the Namibian liberation struggle
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Akawa, Martha
This chapter looks at the sexual politics of the SWAPO camps (civilian and military) in Angola and Zambia.1 Its purpose is to explore issues around allegations of sexual abuse and unwelcome sexual advances, and issues of sexuality, against the backdrop of SWAPO’s policy on gender equality. Did these allegations undermine the goals and objectives of the leadership, particularly the women’s leadership that had gender equality and women’s emancipation as one of its main goals? The chapter will also seek to question whether a rhetorical commitment to equality was translated into practical equality in terms of the political structures and socio-economic power relationships in the camps. SWAPO made a clear and a firm ideological commitment in publications and speeches that, in the liberation struggle, women were equal to men and that equality between men and women was a central principle of the party. Iina Soiri has argued that the rhetoric of sexual emancipation became more pronounced from the mid-1970s because of a combination of factors. The United Nations announced that the International Decade for Women would take place between 1975 and 1985 and, in 1976, SWAPO adopted a more radical ‘Political Programme’ based on the principles of ‘scientific socialism’ (Soiri, 1996, pp. 67, 85).
Re-viewing resistance in Namibian history
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Silvester, Jeremy
Over two decades have passed since the last battles of Namibia’s liberation struggle took place in April, 1989 and Namibia finally obtained its independence from South Africa on 21 March, 1990. Today over half of Namibia’s population is under the age of 25.1 When I first taught history at the University of Namibia in the 1990s the majority of my students had strong (and traumatic) childhood memories of the war.2 Today the majority of students at the university are ‘born frees’ who do not remember the independence celebrations of 1990, let alone the long, twenty-three year, guerilla war that preceded it. The majority of the population no longer has strong memories of the liberation struggle, but relies increasingly on the construction of a history of resistance that is reflected in written texts, but more pervasively in the spoken word through public speeches, the radio and TV, in public projects of memorialisation and commemorative public holidays. History was one of the early conscripts to the nationalist struggle with SWAPO’s To Be Born a Nation creating a highly influential narrative that interpreted all acts of resistance to German and South African rule as nationalist. In his Foreword to the publication Prof. Peter Katjavivi highlighted the way in which a ‘history of resistance’ could play a role in nation-building. ‘The title is taken from a saying of the Mozambican liberation struggle – “to die a tribe and be born a nation”. It encapsulates the drive for unity and the bonds forged through common endeavour and sacrifice that are such vital elements of the national liberation struggle’ (SWAPO, 1980, p. iii). The book traced the roots of ‘popular resistance’ as far back as 1670 and the first meeting between indigenous residents and European travellers on the banks of the Kuiseb River (SWAPO, 1980, p. 151). Independence was thus the culmination of over three hundred years of struggle. Whilst the necessity of discipline and unity was evident during the course of a guerilla campaign against a militarily stronger opponent, this reading of the past reduces the dynamics of struggle to a simple dichotomy in which characters are presented as either ‘Freedom Fighters’ or ‘Puppets’. The danger is that agency is reduced and the complex political dynamics around issues such as generational conflict, ethnicity, traditional authorities and gender are ignored (Van Walraven and Abbink, 2003, p. 3). The Archives of Anti-Colonial Resistance and the Liberation Struggle incorporated the nationalist narrative within its lengthy title.
Heritage education in the school curriculum: A critical reflection
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Likando, Gilbert N.
This chapter critically highlights the importance of heritage education in the school curriculum in Namibia. It does so in relation to John Patrick’s five pitfalls that heritage educators must avoid in the process of designing a heritage education school curriculum or infusing the right content into existing curriculum, namely: elitism, extreme pluralism, localism, romanticism and anti-intellectualism (Patrick, 1989). The chapter links this perspective by Patrick of heritage education infusion and integration in the school curriculum to the on-going reform process in education in Namibia. Debates have loomed on how the integration or infusion could be done. While some proponents propose the creation of an entirely new curriculum for heritage education in schools, others argue for the infusion of heritage education content into the current school curriculum by drawing on many disciplines such as history, geography, the natural and social sciences, the arts and literature as the best approach.
Namibian leafy vegetables: From traditional to scientific knowledge, current status and applications
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Mushabati, Lameck F.; Kahaka, Gladys K.; Cheikhyoussef, Ahmad
For centuries, our forefathers traditionally used vegetables that grow naturally in the wild. Many enjoyed a relish prepared with traditional vegetables. Moreover, they used these vegetables to treat a number of ailments. This is our African heritage - our Namibian leafy vegetables. These vegetables fall under a broad category that has come to be termed as leafy vegetables (LVs) or African leafy vegetables (ALVs). In this chapter, all Namibia leafy vegetables will be referred to as ALVs and NLVs interchangeably.
Messages given to adolescents and young adults during initiation ceremonies and their relation to HIV/AIDS
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Haihambo, Cynthy K.
According to Namibia’s national population census, the total population of the country stood at 2,113,077 people distributed over its 14 political regions (NSA, 2014). Of this, 43.1% of the population inhabited urban areas, and 56.9% lived in rural areas. The average household size in Namibia is 4.4. The population under the age of 15 stands at 760,707 (36%) while the population aged 15 years and above is 1,352,369 (64%). The employed population, which includes part-time and seasonal employment, stands at 690,019 (70.4%) and the total population that is unemployed is 290,762 (29.6%) (NSA, 2014). Human immunodeficiency virus and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) is regarded as one of the biggest threats to economic development in sub-Saharan Africa. HIV is acquired through the transmission of bodily fluids such as blood, vaginal fluids and semen. It is mostly contracted through sex (both heteroand homosexual) that involves the exchange of bodily fluids between individuals. Once it has entered the body, it compromises the individual’s immune system and weakens the body’s ability to fight diseases. In its most advanced stage, it develops from a viral infection to a disease that can lead to disability and death. Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest HIV prevalence, globally, and is termed the worst affected region and is widely regarded as the ‘epicentre’ of the global HIV epidemic.
Reclaiming indigenous knowledge in Namibia’s post-colonial curriculum: The case of the Mafwe people
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Lilemba, John M.; Matemba, Yonah H.
In Namibia, as is the case in the rest of Africa, different versions of an indigenous knowledge-based education, mainly through the formal setting of traditional initiation schools, was an integral part of community life (Amukugo, 1993; Ray, 1999). The initiation school, of which attendance was compulsory, was a system of formal education with parallels to Western forms of education. For example, initiation schools had a standardized curriculum, set times of instruction, specified age of children for instruction, assessment strategies, use of ‘qualified’ instructors (experienced village elders) and formal arrangements to recognize and celebrate those who successfully completed the education (Matemba, 2010). The curriculum offered included teaching the neophytes on ‘proper’ use of language, survival skills, customs, values, marriage, parenting, religion, respect for others, etc. (Mbiti, 1999; Amanze, 2002). As numerous studies have shown, the arrival of missionaries and colonial political powers in Africa from the mid-1800s onwards and their attitudes towards African cultural institutions impacted negatively on the viability of the African indigenous system of education, which was condemned as barbaric, heathen and an impediment to the consolidation of Christianity and Western culture on the continent (Abernethy, 1969; McCracken, 1977; Nduka, 1980; Ball, 1983; Comaroff & Comaroff, 1986)
Namibia and Germany negotiating the past
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Kossler, Reinhart
Ever since Namibia attained Independence in 1990,, her relations with Germany have been marked by intensity, close cooperation and heated debate. The latter revolves largely around the 30 year period from 1884 up to 1915, when today’s Namibia was known as the colony of German South West Africa. For the last decade, an asymmetrical debate on colonial mass crime has been a prominent feature of memory politics. In this debate, the first genocide of the 20th Century, committed by German colonial troops during the Namibian War of 1903–081, forms the central axis. The debate about the genocide and the consequences of German colonialism is asymmetrical in various ways. First, it relates to the colonial relationship of violence and domination and to a racist ideology that denied acknowledgement of true humanness to the colonised – an ideological prerequisite for denying them the right to exist and for pursuing exterminatory measures against them. Asymmetry also prevails in the underlying power relations in the present. The means available to the descendants of the genocide victims to give voice to their cause are seriously inferior to the possibilities open to the German Government simply to ignore the victims or deal superficially with their demands. Namibia musters much less attention within the German public sphere than issues relating to Germany receive in the Namibian media. The issue is confounded further by the presence of a small, but economically powerful and vociferous community of German speakers in Namibia.
Bioprospecting for ‘green diamonds’: Medicinal plants used in the management of HIV/AIDS-related conditions
(University of Namibia Press, 2015) Chinsembu, Kazhila C.
I believe that while scientific research is necessary to improve the way in which our natural resources are exploited … our people must not be completely disowned … of resources that they have possessed for generations. It will be a sad day when the medicinal formulas of devil’s claw are patented by big pharmaceutical companies and thereby become depleted and unavailable to the natural owners of the resource. (His Excellency Dr Sam Nujoma, Founding President of Namibia at a symposium on devil’s claw, as reported by Wickham, 2001.)

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